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N. 5„??:f  I 


Cl^e  i^isitoncal  Series?  for  XibU  ^tuDents;. 

EDITED   BY 

Professor  CHARLES    F.  KENT,  Fh.B.,  0/  Brown  U?iiversity. 

AND 

Professor  FRANK   K.  SANDERS,  Ph.D.,  of  Yale  University. 

(llfolume  IV. 

HISTORY 


THE     JEWISH     PEOPLE 

During  the  Maccabean  and  Roman  Periods  (including 
New  Testament  Times) 


The  Historical  Series  for  Bible  Studests. 

Edited  by  Professor  CHARLES  F.  KENT,  Ph.D.,  of  Brown  University, 
and  Professor  FRANK  K.  SANDERS,  Ph.D.,  of  Yale  University. 


IN  response  to  a  widespread  demand  for  non-technical  yet  scholarly  and  reli- 
able guides  to  the  study  of  the  history,  literature,  and  teaching  of  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments,  and  of  the  contemporary  history  and  literature,  this  series 
aims  to  present  in  concise  and  attractive  form  the  results  of  investigation  and 
exploration  in  these  broad  fields.  Based  upon  thoroughly  critical  scholarship,  it 
will  emphasize  assured  and  positive  rather  than  transitional  positions.  The  series 
as  a  whole  is  intended  to  present  a  complete  and  connected  picture  of  the  social, 
political,  and  religious  life  of  the  men  and  peoples  who  figure  most  prominently  in 
the  biblical  records. 

Each  volume  will  be  complete  in  itself,  treating  comprehensively  a  given  sub- 
ject or  period.  It  will  also  refer  freely  to  the  biblical  and  monumental  sources, 
and  to  the  standard  authorities.  Convenience  of  size,  clearness  of  presentation, 
and  helpfulness  to  the  student,  will  make  the  series  particularly  well  adapted  for 
(i)  practical  text-books  for  college,  seminary,  and  university  classes;  (2)  hand- 
books for  the  use  of  Bible  classes,  clubs,  and  guilds;  (3)  guides  for  individual 
study;  and  (4)  books  for  general  reference. 


I.    HISTORY   OF   THE    HEBREW   PEOPLE. 

1.  The   United  Kingdom.     Sixth  edi-        Charles  F.  Kent,   Ph.D.,    Professor  of 

tion.  Biblical  Literature  and  History,  Brown 

2.  The  Divided  Kingdom.    Sixth  edi-  University. 

tion. 

n.    HISTORY  OF  THE  JEWISH    PEOPLE. 

3.  The  Babylonian,  Persian,  and  Greek        Charles  F.  Kent,   Ph.D.    Professor  of 

Periods.  Biblical  Literature  and  History,  Brown 

University. 
James  S.  Riggs,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Bib- 

4.  The  Maccabean  and  Roman  Period  lical  Criticism,  Auburn  Theological  Sem- 

(including  New  Testament  Times).  inary. 

III.     CONTEMPORARY   OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY. 

5.  History  of  the  Egyptians.  James   H.    Breasted,    Ph.D.,   Assistant 

Professor  of  Semitic  Languages  and 
Egyptology,  The  University  of  Chicago. 

6.  History  of  the  Babylonians  and  As-        George  S.  Goodspeed,  Ph.D.,  Professor 

Syrians.  of  Ancient  History,  The   University  of 

Chicago. 

IV.    NEW  TESTAMENT  HISTORIES. 

7.  The  Life  of  Jesus.     (In  press.)  Rush  Rhees,  Professor  of  New  Testament 

Interpretation,  Newton  Theological  Sem- 
inary. 

8.  The  Apostolic  Age.  George  T.  Purves,   Ph.D.,   D.D.,    Pro- 

fessor of  New  Testament  Literature  and 
Exegesis,  Princeton  Theological  Semi- 
nary. 

V.    OUTLINES   FOR  THE  STUDY  OF   BIBLICAL 
HISTORY   AND   LITERATURE. 

9.  From  Earliest  Times  to  the  Cap-        Frank    K.    Sanders,    Ph.D.,    Professor 

tivity.  of  Biblical  Literature,  Yale  University. 

10.    From  the  Exile  to  200  A.D. 


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:WISH    AND    CON 

rKJIPORAIlV 

CHltOXOLOGV    FliOM   1711  B.  c.  TO  70  A 

I). 

A  HISTORY 


OF 


THE    JEWISH    PEOPLE 


DURING  THE  MAC  C ABE  AN  AND  ROMAN  PERIODS 

{INCLUDING  NEW  TESTAMENT 

TIMES) 


BY         y 

JAMES   STEVENSON  RIGGS,  D.D. 

PROFESSOR    OF    BIBIJCAL   CRITICISM.   AUBURN   THEOLOGIC. 
SEMINARY 


WITH   MAPS   AND    CHART 


NEW    YORK 
CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S   SONS 

1900 


Copyright,  1900, 
By  Charles  Scribner's  Sons. 


John  Wilson  and  Son,  Cambridge,  U.  S.  A. 


Co  mu  JFn'enti 
CHARLES   E.  ROBINSON,  D.D. 

WHOSE    AFFECTION    AND    COUNSEL    HAVE    BEEN    AMONG 
THE   CHOICE   BLESSINGS   OF   MY   LIFE 


PREFACE 

As  part  of  the  history  of  the  Jews  from  earliest  days 
to  the  time  when  Christianity  became  independent  of 
Judaism,  the  story  of  the  Maccabean  revolt  and  of  the 
Roman  domination  has  often  been  told.  From  the 
fact,  however,  that  a  large  part  of  the  story  belongs 
to  inter-testamental  times,  its  interest  has  often  been 
overshadowed  by  that  of  the  strictly  biblical  history. 
Now  the  earnest  historical  study  of  the  life  and  times 
of  Jesus  has  brought  us  to  a  clearer  realization  of  the 
vital  importance  of  an  understanding  of  the  whole 
development  of  post-exilic  Judaism.  Every  record 
of  events  and  every  piece  of  literature  contributing 
toward  that  understanding  has,  therefore,  been  studied 
anew.  In  the  light  of  the  results  of  this  study,  we 
have  attempted  to  tell  the  story.  Whatever  may  be 
the  comparative  worth  of  these  periods,  they  are  cer- 
tainly not  surpassed  in  the  annals  of  history  in  pathetic 
suffering  and  indomitable  heroism.  The  brave  struggle 
of  a  nation  for  the  maintenance  of  its  convictions  is 
always  of  the  deepest  interest.  Thereby  not  only  its 
character,  but  also  the  value  of  its  convictions  is  re- 
vealed. Pre-eminently  is  the  study  of  these  thrilling 
periods  of  the  history  of  the  Jews  the  study  of  just 
such  a  revelation.  Judaism  was  under  a  searching 
test.     Its  beliefs  and  hopes  were  tried  as  by  fire.     Old 


Vlll  PREFACE 

faiths  became  more  explicit,  and  national  hopes  were 
intensified.  Indeed,  the  very  conditions  were  brought 
about  which  made  it  impossible  for  Jesus  to  gain  the 
ear  of  the  nation  and  to  save  it  from  itself.  While, 
therefore,  this  work  is  meant  to  be  a  history  of  the 
Jewish  people  for  two  hundred  and  forty  years  of  its 
existence,  it  is  no  less  a  contribution  toward  the 
interpretation  of  the  gospels  in  so  far  as  a  knowledge 
of  the  faiths,  conditions,  and  aims  of  Judaism  can  be 
interpretative  of  the  form  and  method  of  the  activity 
of  Jesus. 

It  is  a  pleasure  to  acknowledge  my  indebtedness 
to  Professors  Charles  F.  Kent,  Ph.D.,  and  Frank  K. 
Sanders,  Ph.D.,  for  their  valuable  critical  suggestions 
and  for  their  cordial  assistance  whenever  needed. 


JAMES   STEVENSON  RIGGS. 
Auburn,  Feb.  9,  1900. 


CONTENTS 


PART  T 

THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

I 

THE  HISTORICAL  SOURCES  AND   LITERATURE  OF  THE 
PERIOD 

Sections  1-10.    Pages  1-13 

Section  1.  Limits  of  the  period.  2.  Sources  of  information. 
3.  The  First  Book  of  Maccabees.  4.  The  Second  Book  of 
Maccabees.  5.  The  Jewish  War  and  Antiquities  of  Josephus. 
6.  The  Book  of  Daniel  and  the  Book  of  Enoch.  7.  The  main 
literary  interest  of  Alexandrian  Judaism.  8.  The  beginnings 
of  philosophic  harmonization  in  Alexandria.  9.  The  Book  of 
Wisdom.     10.    The  Sibylline  Oracles. 


II 

THE  CAUSES  AND  OCCASION  OF  THE  MACCABEAN 
UPRISING 

Sections  11-26.    Pages  14-28 

Section  11.  The  spiritual  forces  in  conflict.  12.  Hellenism  in 
Judea.  13.  The  uncompromising  spirit  of  Judaism.  14.  The 
increasing  antagonism  of  Judaism  to  Hellenism.  15.  Antio- 
chus  Epiphanes  and  the  high-priesthood.  16.  The  treachery 
of  Menelaus.  17.  Jason's  venture  and  its  terrible  issue  in 
Jerusalem.  18.  The  Romans  meet  Antiochus  in  Egypt.  19. 
The  disastrous  result  of  that  meeting  to  the  Jews.  20.  Jerusa- 
lem's destruction  and  the  flight  of  many  of  its  citizens.     21. 


X  CONTENTS 

The  time  of  sifting ;  the  impulse  toward  expanding  the  canon 
of  Scripture.  22.  The  faith  that  would  not  swerve.  23. 
The  fidelity  of  Mattathias  in  Modein.  24.  The  uplifting 
of  the  standard  of  Judaism.  25.  The  beginning  of  the  strug- 
gle. 26.  The  company  of  the  Hasideans  and  the  death  of 
Mattathias. 

Ill 

THE  SUCCESSFUL  STRUGGLE  FOR  RELIGIOUS  FREEDOM 

Sections  27-43.    Pages  29-44 

Section  27.  The  sons  of  Mattathias.  28.  The  victories  of  Judas 
over  Apollonius  and  Seron.  29.  The  army  under  Nicanor, 
Ptolemy,  and  Gorgias  that  was  to  root  out  the  Jews.  30.  Its 
double  discomfiture.  31.  The  battle  of  Bethsur.  32.  The 
restoration  and  rededication  of  the  temple.  33.  Judaism 
takes  fresh  courage ;  it  guards  anew  the  temple  and  inquires 
after  its  sacred  writings.  34.  Judas  devotes  attention  to  neigh- 
boring hostile  peoples.  35.  The  successful  campaigns  in 
Galilee  and  across  the  Jordan.  36.  The  unfortunate  attempt 
of  Joseph  and  Azarias.  37.  The  death  of  Antiochus  Epiph- 
anes.  38.  The  ensuing  rivalries  in  the  Syrian  court.  39. 
The  battle  of  Bethzacharias.  40.  The  second  part  of  the 
Book  of  Enoch.  41.  Judaism's  dark  hour.  42.  Unexpected 
deliverance  and  complete  religious  freedom.  43.  The  situation 
in  Judea. 

IV 

THE  LONG  CONTEST  FOR  POLITICAL  FREEDOM 

Sections  44-57.     Pages  45-57 

Section  44.  The  new  reason  for  conflict ;  the  high-priest  Alcimus. 
45.  Startling  changes  in  the  Syrian  court.  46.  Bacchides 
installs  Alcimus,  and  the  Hasideans  suffer.  47.  The  mischiev- 
ous activity  of  Alcimus.  48.  The  battle  of  Capharsalama. 
49.  The  victory  of  Adasa  and  "Nicanor's  Day."  50.  Judas 
appeals  to  Rome.  51.  An  alliance  formed  and  Syria  warned, 
.52.  The  defeat  and  death  of  Judas.  53.  The  Hellenists  tri- 
umph for  a  while ;  Jonathan  chosen  leader  of  the  nation.  54. 
Jonathan  repulses  Bacchides.       65.   Alcimus  again  shows  his 


CONTENTS  XI 

Hellenistic  aims.  56.  The  Hellenists  conspire  against  Jona- 
than, who  affects  an  alliance  with  Bacchides.  57.  Jonathan 
makes  Michmash  his  capital  and  cements  his  power. 


THE  ATTAINMENT  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

Sections  58-71.    Pages  58-71 

Section  58.  A  court  comedy  in  Syria  in  which  Jonathan  has  a 
part.  59.  Jonathan's  splendid  gains  from  rivalries  in  Syria. 
60.  Jonathan  defeats  Apollonius  near  Jamnia.  61.  Demetrius 
II.  becomes  King  of  Syria.  62.  Jonathan  obtains  more  terri- 
tory and  privileges.  63.  Jonathan's  proof  of  fi-iendship  to 
Demetrius.  64.  Antiochus,  son  of  Alexander,  wins  the  support 
of  Jonathan,  who  afterward  defeats  Demetrius.  65.  Jonathan 
renews  friendship  with  Rome  and  Sparta.  66.  The  land  is 
guarded  against  Demetrius.  67.  The  citadel  cut  off  by  a  wall. 
68.  Tryphon's  treachery  and  Jonathan's  imprisonment.  69. 
Simon  takes  the  leadership;  Jonathan  murdered.  70.  The 
national  situation  at  this  time.  71.  Judea  gains  political 
independence. 

VI 

JUDAISM  IN  SYRIA  AND  EGYPT 

Sections  72-88.    Pages  72-86 

Section  72.  The  twofold  relationship  of  the  Jews  in  Antioch  and 
Alexandria.  73.  The  flight  of  Onias  to  Egypt.  74.  The 
temple  near  Leontopolis.  75.  The  relation  of  this  temple  to 
the  temple  in  Jerusalem.  76.  The  real  reason  for  building  the 
temple  in  Egypt.  77.  The  true  genius  of  Egyptian  Judaism, 
78.  The  two  facts  which  help  to  explain  the  character  of  nearly 
all  Graeco-Jewish  literature.  79.  The  acquaintance  of  the 
Jews  with  the  literature  of  the  Greeks.  80.  The  philosophic 
interest  of  the  Alexandrian  Jews.  81.  The  work  of  Aristobu- 
lus.  82.  The  general  character  of  the  Book  of  Wisdom.  83. 
Its  great  theme.  84.  Wisdom  in  its  relations  to  God.  85.  The 
comprehensiveness  of  the  term  on  its  human  side.  86.  The 
teachings  of  the  book  about  God  and  the  life  beyond.  87. 
The  message  of  the  Sibyl.  88.  Outline  of  Book  HI.  of  Sibyl- 
line Oracles  and  the  purpose  of  the  book. 


Xll  CONTENTS 


VTI 


THE  HAPPY  DAYS  OF  SIMON'S  REIGN 

Sections  89-98.    Pages  87-96 

Section  89.  Simon's  vigorous  action  in  capturing  Gazara,  Bethsur, 
and  the  citadel  in  Jerusalem.  90.  Changes  attendant  upon  the 
capture  of  the  citadel  and  Simon's  successful  administration  of 
affairs.  91.  His  encouragement  of  commerce  and  agriculture. 
92.  The  unparalleled  honor  given  him  by  the  people.  93.  Re- 
newed alliance  with  Rome  ;  its  value.  94.  Simon's  coinage  of 
money.  95.  Fresh  troubles  in  Syria,  in  which  Simon  becomes 
involved.  96.  Jonathan  and  Judas,  sons  of  Simon,  defeat  a 
Syrian  army.  97.  The  treacherous  murder  of  Simon  and  his 
sons.     98.    The  record  of  First  Maccabees. 

VIII 

TERRITORIAL  EXPANSION  UNDER  JOHN  HYRCANUS 

Sections  99-105.    Pages  97-104 

Section  99.  John  Hyrcanus,  Simon's  son,  becomes  leader  and 
seeks  to  avenge  the  murder  of  his  father.  100.  Antiochus 
Sidetes  besieges  Hyrcanus  in  Jerusalem,  but  concludes  a  treaty 
of  peace.  101.  The  probable  influence  of  Rome.  102,  The 
changes  in  Syrian  affairs  give  Hyrcanus  opportunity  to  establish 
himself  in  power.  103.  He  engages  foreign  troops,  makes 
several  successful  expeditions,  and  destroys  the  Samaritan 
temple.  104.  Compels  the  Idumeans  to  be  circumcised.  105. 
He  lays  siege  to  Samaria  and  carries  the  northern  boundary  of 
the  kingdom  to  Carmel  and  Scythopohs. 

IX 

INTERNAL    DIVISIONS  AND    THE  GROWTH    OF  PARTIES 

Sections  106-117.    Pages  105-116 

Section  106.  The  effect  of  territorial  expansion  upon  the  varied 
interests  of  the  nation.  107.  The  party  of  the  Pharisees. 
108.  Their  doctrine  of  Providence.  109.  Theif  doctrine  of  the 
future  life.  110.  The  party  of  the  Sadducees.  111.  Their 
doctrines  of  Providence  and  of  the  future  life.     112.   The  effect 


CONTENTS  Xiii 

of  their  creed  upon  their  political  activity.     113.    The  Essenes. 

114.  The  origin  of  the  peculiar  teachings  promulgated  by  them. 

115.  The  breach  of  Hyrcanus  with  the  Pharisees.  116.  The 
method  by  which  he  opposed  them.  117.  The  general  character 
of  his  administration. 

X 

THE  REVIVAL  OF  HELLENISM  AND  THE   STRUGGLE  OF 
PARTIES 

Sections  118-130.    Pages  117-126 

Section  118.  The  leading  question  of  the  time.  119.  Aristobulus, 
the  son  of  Hyrcanus,  usurps  the  rulership  and  favors  anti- 
Pharisaic  tendencies.  120.  His  brief  reign  of  one  year  ended 
by  a  fatal  illness.  121.  He  is  succeeded  by  the  infamous  Alex- 
ander Jannaeus.  1 22.  His  unsuccessful  wars  by  which  all  the 
gains  of  the  past  were  imperilled.  123.  The  timely  interfer- 
ence of  Cleopatra.  1 2-4.  Successful  expeditions  to  the  east  of 
the  Jordan  and  into  Philistia.  125.  Jannaeus  insults  the  people 
at  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  and  a  terrible  massacre  follows. 
126.  The  Pharisees  stir  up  rebellion  against  him;  civil  war  for 
six  years.  127.  Jannseus  is  defeated  at  Shechem  and  becomes 
relentless  against  the  Pharisees.  128.  He  becomes  involved  in 
Syrian  troubles.  129.  A  period  of  successful  campaigns  is 
followed  by  his  death  in  78  B.C.     130.    The  results  of  his  reign. 


XI 


FATAL  DISSENSIONS  AND  THE   COMING   OF  THE 
ROMANS 

Sections  131-146.    Pages  127-139 

Section  131.  Alexandra  and  the  Pharisees.  132.  How  the 
interests  of  the  law  were  furthered,  133.  The  revengeful  spirit 
of  the  Pharisees.  134.  Threatened  invasion  of  Tigranes  of 
Armenia.  135,  Aristobulus  and  the  Sadducees  get  possession 
of  strongholds.  136.  Alexandra  dies.  137.  Aristobulus  com- 
pels Hyrcanus  TL,  the  rightful  successor,  to  give  him  the  ruler- 
ship,  and  the  Pharisees  are  ignored.  138.  Antipater,  the 
Idumean,  interferes,  and  Aristobulus  is  besieged  upon  the 
temple  mount.     139.    Scaurus,  the  Roman  general,  sides  with 


XIV  CONTENTS 

Aristobulus.  140.  Hyrcanus,  Aristobulus,  and  the  people  make 
appeal  to  Pompey.  141.  Pompey,  being  resisted  by  Aristobu- 
lus, resolves  to  take  the  city  by  force.  142.  Aristobulus  seizes 
the  temple  mount,  but  is  finally  overcome  by  the  Romans. 
143.  The  administrative  changes  which  made  void  the  work  of 
years.  144.  The  estimate  of  it  all  by  the  Pharisees.  145.  The 
Psalms  of  Solomon ;  their  teaching  regarding  the  Messiah. 
146.  Their  teaching  about  the  resurrection  and  immortality  of 
the  righteous. 

PART  II  -*- 

THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 


THE    HISTORICAL   SOURCES  AND  LITERATURE  OF  THE 
PERIOD 

Sections  147-159.    Pages  143-153 

Section  147.  The  limits  of  the  period.  148.  The  sources  of 
information.  149.  The  value  of  Josephus  for  this  period. 
150.  The  twofold  value  of  the  New  Testament  witness.  151. 
Rabbinical  literature.  152.  The  Mishna,  Talmuds,  Midrashim, 
and  Targums.  153.  What  may  be  learned  from  these  Jewish 
works.  154.  Sources  of  knovpledge  from  the  Roman  side  of 
the  relations  of  Rome  to  Judea.  155.  The  two  lines  of  de- 
velopment in  the  mental  life  of  the  nation.  156.  The  Psalms 
of  Solomon.  157.  The  Assumption  of  Moses,  —  the  voice  of 
conservative  Phariseeism.  158.  The  Book  of  Jubilees.  159. 
Later  works  which  reveal  the  methods  and  hope  of  Judaism. 

II 

THE  TROUBLOUS  TIMES  OF  HYRCANUS  II. 

Sections  160-178.    Pages  154-169 

Section  160.  The  Jews  in  Rome  and  the  attitude  of  the  people 
in. Judea.  161.  The  real  value  of  Pompey's  conquest  of  Judea 
and  his  policy.  162.  The  manner  of  acceptance  of  the  con- 
quest by  the  Pharisees,  the  people  and  the  Hellenistic  centres. 
163.    The  first  manifestation  of  national  discontent.     164.    The 


CONTENTS  XV 

policy  of  Gabinius,  the  proconsul  of  Syria.  165.  The  revolu- 
tion under  Aristobulus  I.  166.  The  uprising  under  Alexander 
and  the  increased  power  of  Antipater.  167.  The  new  Triumvi- 
rate in  Rome,  Caesar,  Pompey,  and  Crassus  ;  how  it  affected 
Judea.  168.  The  civil  wars  in  Rome ;  Caesar  crosses  the 
Rubicon.  169.  Aristobulus  poisoned.  170.  Pompey  defeated 
at  Pharsalia ;  Caesar  supports  Cleopatra  and  gains  mastery  of 
Alexandria.  171.  Antipater's  substantial  support  of  Cassar. 
172.  Changes  brought  about  in  Judea  through  Antipater's 
friendship  to  Caesar.  173.  Antipater's  bold  assumption  of 
authority.  1 74.  Herod's  policy  in  Galilee  ;  he  is  summoned  to 
Jerusalem  for  trial.  175.  The  political  confusion  consequent 
upon  the  assassination  of  Caesar.  176.  Mark  Antony's  policy 
and  Herod's  gain  from  promptly  following  it.  177.  Antipater 
poisoned ;  estimate  of  his  character  and  work.  1 78.  Changes 
in  the  Roman  sovereignty  and  the  results  in  Judea. 

Ill 

THE  LAST  OF  THE   HASMONEANS 

Sections  179-189.    Pages  170-178 

Section  179.  The  Parthian  invasion  of  Syria  in  41  B.C.  180. 
Antigonus  uses  the  occasion  to  regain  the  throne.  181.  Herod, 
learning  of  the  death  of  Phasael,  flies  for  safety  to  Masada. 
182.  Antigonus  master  of  the  situation,  but  unable  to  maintain 
himself.  183.  Ilerod  seeks  out  Antony,  and  while  in  Rome  is 
appointed  King  of  the  Jews.  184.  He  lands  at  Ptolemais  in 
39  B.C.,  and  conquers  Galilee  and  Joppa.  185.  He  advances 
upon  Jerusalem,  but  is  poorly  supported  by  the  Romans.  186, 
He  makes  direct  appeal  to  Antony.  187.  He  meets  reverses, 
but  still  resolutely  pushes  forward  his  cause.  188.  He  marries 
Mariamne.  189.  With  the  help  of  Sosius,  Herod  besieges  and 
captures  Jerusalem ;  Antigonus  beheaded. 

IV 

HEROD,  THE   KING  OF  THE  JEWS 

Sections  190-205.    Pages  179-190 

Section  190.  The  sharp  contrasts  in  Herod's  character  and  their 
reflection  in  the  life  of  Jerusalem.  191.  The  two  guiding  prin- 
ciples of  his  whole  career.     192.    The  initial  acts  of  his  actual 


XVI  CONTENTS 

kingship.  193.  He  appoints  Ananel  high-priest  and  closely 
watches  Hyrcanus.  194.  Alexandra,  daughter  of  Hyrcanus, 
secures  by  diplomacy  the  appointment  of  her  son,  Aristobulus 
III.,  as  high-priest.  195.  Aristobulus  murdered  at  Jericho. 
196.  Herod  is  summoned  before  Antony.  197.  Herod  gains 
the  favor  of  Antony.  198.  Salome  arouses  suspicions  of  Herod 
against  Mariamne.  199.  Cleopatra  is  given  all  the  cities  south 
of  the  Eleutherus  River.  200.  Octavian  denounces  Antony 
before  the  Roman  Senate.  201.  In  the  battle  of  Actium, 
B.C.  31,  Octavian  becomes  sole  master  of  the  Roman  world ; 
Herod  at  once  supports  him.  202.  Herod  gives  substantial 
proof  of  his  new  allegiance.  203.  Octavian  accepts  Herod  as 
an  ally.  204.  Herod  puts  Mariamne  to  death.  205.  Herod's 
terrible  remorse,  illness,  and  fury  against  Alexandra  and  the 
sons  of  Babas. 

V 

HEROD  UNDER  AUGUSTUS 
Sections  206-221.    Pages  191-202 

Section  206.  The  tendency  of  the  Roman  world  toward  the  issue 
reached  in  the  supremacy  of  Augustus.  207.  The  double  rela 
tionship  of  Herod's  position.  208.  The  two  large  duties  laid 
upon  Herod  by  Augustus.  209.  The  tidal  wave  of  Hellenism 
over  Jerusalem.  210.  Herod  establishes  fortresses.  211.  His 
system  of  espionage.  212.  The  better  side  of  Herod's  pur- 
poses. 213.  The  supreme  ambition  of  all  his  striving.  214. 
How  his  passion  for  building  found  expression.  215.  His 
measures  to  develop  the  business  of  the  country.  216.  The 
great  harbor  at  Ca3sarea.  217.  The  Hellenizing  influences 
about  his  court.  218.  His  proposition  to  build  a  new  temple 
and  the  probable  motive  actuating  him.  219.  The  manner  and 
the  time  of  the  work  upon  this  temple.  220.  The  general 
character  of  it  and  Judaism's  appropriation  of  it.  221.  The 
insult  of  the  golden  eagle. 

VI 

PN  THE  DAYS  OF  HEROD  THE   KING 
Sections  222-234.    Pages  203-214 
Section  222.   The  glory  of  Herod's  reign  and  the  one  significant 
impossibility  in  it.     223.    The  education  of  Herod's  sons  and 
their  reception  in  Judea.     224.    The  visit  of  Agrippa,  the  corn- 
's 


CONTENTS  XVll 

missioner  of  Augustus,  to  Judea.  225.  Herod's  domestic 
troubles.  226.  The  dark  treachery  of  Antipater,  Herod's  son 
by  Doris,  his  first  wife.  227.  Herod's  quarrel  with  Syllaeus 
and  his  rescue  from  disgrace  by  Nicolas  of  Damascus.  228. 
The  mischievous  Lacedagmonian,  Eurycles,  who  compasses  the 
death  of  Herod's  sons,  Aristobulus  and  Alexander.  229.  The 
continual  treachery  of  Antipater.  230.  Herod  discovers  the  true 
character  of  Antipater.  231.  The  young  man  is  summoned 
from  Rome,  tried,  and  put  to  death.  232.  Herod's  illness,  the 
report  of  his  death,  and  the  consequent  activity  in  removing 
profanations  from  the  land.  233.  His  determination  to  make 
the  land  mourn  at  the  time  of  his  death.  234.  The  Babe  in 
the  manger  in  Bethlehem. 


VII 

THE  INNER  LIFE   OF  THE  NATION 

Sections  235-256.     Pages  215-231 

Section  235.  The  characteristics  by  which  we  can  estimate  the 
nation's  inner  life.  236.  The  antagonisms  which  reveal  its 
power.  237.  The  foundation  of  faith  laid  in  childhood.  238. 
The  only  education  for  the  mass  of  Jewish  boys.  239.  The  true 
school  of  the  nation.  240.  The  officials  and  order  of  service  in 
the  synagogue.  241.  The  synagogue  and  the  scribes.  242.  The 
scribes  and  their  threefold  task.  243.  The  bearing  of  the  law 
upon  life ;  the  Halacha  and  Haggada.  244,  The  Halacha,  the 
complete  expression  of  Judaism  ;  two  much-discussed  themes  in 
the  Mishna.  245.  The  golden  days  of  scribism.  246.  The 
administrative  functions  of  the  scribes.  247.  The  honor  which 
they  received  and  the  spirit  they  cherished.  248.  The  result 
of  their  labors  in  the  life  of  the  nation,  249.  The  bearing  of 
scribal  teaching  upon  the  temple  worship.  250.  The  char- 
acter of  the  higher  classes  of  priests ;  the  two  forces  devitaliz- 
ing the  worship  of  the  Holy  Place.  251.  The  hope  of  the 
nation  in  the  Messiah.  •  252.  The  Messiah  of  the  second  part 
of  the  Book  of  Enoch;  of  the  fourth  part;  of  the  Psalms  of 
Solomon.  253.  The  only  way  to  bring  the  glorious  day  of  the 
Messiah's  presence.  254.  The  Messianic  hope  in  Alexandrian 
literature.  255.  The  teachings  which  intensified  the  charm  of 
this  hope.     256.    The  nation  and  its  hopes. 


xviii  CONTENTS 


VIII 


HEROD'S  SONS  AND  KING  AGRIPPA 

Sections  257-275.    Pages  232-245 

Section  257.  The  provisions  of  Herod's  will.  258.  The  desper- 
ate beginning  of  Archelaus  in  Judea.  259.  Varus  sent  from 
Antioch  to  quell  rebellion ;  the  robbery  of  the  temple  by  Sa- 
binus.  260.  The  rapid  spread  of  revolt  in  the  land.  261.  The 
settlement  of  Herod's  will.  262.  The  sad  condition  of  affairs 
facing  Antipas  and  Archelaus  upon  their  return  from  Rome. 
263.  The  short  and  tyrannical  rule  of  Archelaus.  264.  The 
character  of  Antipas  and  the  price  he  paid  for  royal  favor. 

265.  Some  of  the  notable  public  buildings  erected  by  Antipas. 

266.  His  amour  with  Herodias  and  its  consequences.  267.  He 
is  defeated  by  Aretas.  268.  The  accession  of  Caligula  and 
Herod's  banishment  to  Gaul.  269.  The  character  of  Philip 
and  his  successful  reign.  270.  Agrippa's  early  career.  271. 
Agrippa  receives  favors  from  Caligula,  who  soon  after  causes 
widespread  trouble  by  his  insanity.  272.  After  Caligula's 
assassination,  Agrippa  helps  Claudius  to  the  throne,  273.  The 
value  of  Agrippa's  short  reign  to  Judaism.  274.  His  politic 
course  of  procedure.     275.    His  sudden  death  at  Csesarea. 

IX 

IN  THE   HANDS  OF  ROME 

Sections  276-290.     Pages  246-257 

Section  276.  The  earnest  but  mistaken  desire  of  the  people  to  be 
added  to  the  province  of  Syria.  277.  The  arrangement  of 
Roman  provinces  under  Augustus,  and  their  respective  methods 
of  government.  278.  The  census  under  Quirinius  and  the 
opposition  to  it.  279.  The  formation  of  the  party  of  the  Zeal- 
ots. 280.  The  collectors  of  custom  in  Palestine.  281.  The 
Sanhedrin, — its  members,  power,  and  jurisdiction.  282.  The 
character  and  policy  of  Pontius  Pilate.  283.  The  quiet,  inter- 
mediate reign  of  Agrippa  I.  followed  by  the  government  by 
procurators.  284.  The  procuratorship  of  Cuspius  Fadus. 
285.  The  change  of  policy  by  Claudius  in  the  appointment  of 
Tiberius  Alexander,  as  procurator.  286.  The  increasing  tur- 
bulence of  the  Zealots  during  the  procuratorship  of  Cumanus. 


CONTENTS  Xix 

287.  The  severity  and  cruelty  of  Felix  call  out  the  Siearii ;  dis- 
order increases  rapidly.  288.  Festus  deals  with  a  virtual  state 
of  anarchy.  289.  The  desperate  situation  while  Albinus  is  pro- 
curator. 290,  Gessius  Florus  exhausts  the  patience  of  the 
nation ;  it  is  ready  to  plunge  into  open,  determined  rebellion. 

X 

THE  FINAL  CATASTROPHE 
Sections  291-317.    Pages  260-277 

Section  291.  The  refusal  to  offer  the  daily  sacrifice  for  the  em- 
peror—  a  declaration  of  war.  292.  The  treacherous  deeds  of 
Florus  and  their  results.  293.  His  deliberate  plans  to  expose 
the  people  to  fatal  risk.  294.  The  attempt  of  Agrippa  II.  to 
persuade  the  people  to  give  up  all  thoughts  of  rebellion.  295. 
The  seizure  of  Masada  by  the  Jews ;  the  endeavor  of  the 
Pharisees  to  avert  the  war.  296.  Agrippa  accepts  invitation 
of  Pharisees  to  send  an  army  to  Jerusalem ;  the  insurgents  vic- 
torious and  destructive.  297.  Rapid  progress  of  the  revolu- 
tionists, yet  not  without  divisions  among  themselves.  298. 
Cestius  Gallus  interferes  and  is  badly  defeated  by  the  Jews. 
299.  Active  preparations  made  by  Romans  and  revolutionists 
for  a  determined  war.  300.  The  work  of  preparation  under 
Josephus  in  Galilee;  his  conflicts  with  the  Zealots.  301.  Ves- 
pasian marches  unhindered  into  Galilee.  302.  The  terrible 
siege  of  Jotapata.  303.  Tiberias  and  Taricha;a  submit  to  the 
Romans.  304.  Gamala,  Itabryrium,  and  Gischala  are  also  sub- 
dued. 305.  Nero  dies,  and  Vespasian,  being  chosen  emperor, 
hands  over  to  Titus  the  siege  of  Jerusalem.  306.  Civil  war 
in  Jerusalem.  307.  The  Zealots  treacherously  secure  the  help 
of  the  Idumeans.  308.  The  reign  of  terror  continues  in  Jeru- 
salem. 309.  Simon,  an  outlaw,  invited  by  the  Moderate  party 
into  the  city;  the  city  torn  by  factions.  310.  The  coming  of 
the  Romans.  311.  The  long  siege  and  the  advance  of  the 
Romans  within  the  second  wall.  312.  The  capture  of  the 
third  wall  and  the  fortress  of  Antonia.  313.  The  temple  en- 
closure seized  and  the  temple  burned.  314.  The  capture  of 
the  upper  city.  315.  The  fortresses  of  Herodium  and  Ma- 
chfierus  surrender ;  the  desperate  resistance  and  final  self-murder 
of  the  garrison  at  Masada.  316.  The  Jewish  state  a  thing  of 
the  past;  the  survival  of  Judaism.  317.  The  great  triumph 
in  Rome  and  the  arch  of  Titus. 


XX  CONTENTS 


XI 


GLIMPSES  OF  JUDAISM  IN  PALESTINE  AFTER  THE  WAR 
AND   OF  JUDAISM  IN  THE   DISPERSION 

Sections  318-333.    Pages  278-286 

Section  318.  The  unshaken  faith  of  Judaism  and  the  lesson 
from  its  calamity.  319.  The  new  centre  at  Jamnia.  320. 
The  policy  of  the  Romans  after  the  war.  321.  The  task  of 
Judaism.  322.  The  rapid  recuperation  of  the  land  in  popu- 
lation. 323.  The  outrage  of  Hadrian  and  the  blind  folly  of 
the  nation.  324.  The  outcome  of  this  second  awful  crisis. 
325.  The  spirit  of  the  Judaism  of  the  Dispersion.  326.  The 
importance  of  the  Synagogue  in  the  Dispersion.  327.  Philo 
Judasus  and  his  mission.  328.  The  fidelity  of  Alexandrian 
Judaism  to  the  great  principles  of  faith.  329.  The  policy  of 
the  Roman  emperors  toward  the  Jews  of  the  Dispersion.  330. 
The  Dispersion  reg.lly  a  contradiction  within  the  Empire.  331. 
The  proselyting  spirit  of  the  Dispersion.  332.  The  twofold 
interest  of  the  Jews  thus  scattered  abroad.  333.  The  terrible 
outbreak  under  Trajan  and  its  issue. 

Appendix  I.    The  Seleucidae      ..........     289 

Appendix  II.    The  Genealogy  of  the  Hasmoneans      .     .     .     290 

Appendix  III.    The  House  of  the  Herbds 291 

Appendix  IV.     Outline  of   Walls   about  Jerusalem  in 

70  A.D .     292 

Appendix  V.    Are  there  Maccabean  Psalms  ?    .     .     .     .293-296 
Appendix  VL    Books  of  Reference  upon  Jewish  History     297-301 

Books  of  Reference 302-303 

References 304-308 

Index  of  Names  and  Subjects    .......     311-317 

Index    of    References    to    Biblical    and    Extra- 
Biblical   Sources 318-320 


CONTENTS  XXI 


LIST   OF   MAPS 


Chronological  Chart Frontispiece 

Map  of  Palestine  containing  Places  for 

Maccabean  Period to  face  page  32 

Map  of  Palestine  containing  Places  for 

Roman  Period to  face  page  173 

The  Hellenistic  World  about  the  Cen- 
tral AND  Eastern  Mediterranean     .     to  face  page  289 


PART   I 

THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD   OF   JEWISH 
HISTORY 


THE  HISTORICAL  SOURCES   AND   LITERATURE   OF 
THE   PERIOD 

1.  The  Maccabean  period  of  the  history  of  the  Jews 
is  named  from  Judas  Maccabeus,  the  first  and  most 
illustrious  chieftain  of  that  family  of  Jewish  patriots 
who  led  the  religious  revolt  in  Judea  against  Anti- 
ochus  Epiphanes,  and  who  secured  for  their  people 
religious  and  political  freedom.  The  beginning  of 
the  period,  therefore,  was  coincident  with  the  open- 
ing of  the  struggle  in  168  B.  c. ;  its  close  was  in 
63  B.  c,  when  the  Romans  took  control  in  Palestine. 
The  tide  of  Greek  influences  which  Alexander  and 
his  successors  brought  upon  the  land  of  Israel  met 
with  earnest  opposition  on  the  part  of  many  in  the 
Jewish  nation.  For  a  long  time  before  the  actual 
issue  came,  that  opposition  could  have  been  quickly 
crystallized  into  open  and  unyielding  resistance.  The 
decisive  moment,  however,  was  in  168  B.  c,  when 
Mattathias,  with  the  war-cry  of  "Zeal  for  the  Law," 
summoned  the  faithful  to  stand  with  him  against  the 
Syrians.  Brilliant  successes  carried  the  movement 
forward  within  three  years  to  the  completion  of  its 
first  stage  of  progress  in  the  rededication  of  the  temple 
in  165  B.  c.  Then  with  political,  as  well  as  religious 
aims,  the  struggle  continued  until  142  B.  c,  when 
Judea   achieved   political   independence.      The  whole 


4      THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OE  JEWISH  HISTORY 

period,  therefore,  can  be  conveniently  divided  into 
three  parts,  —  that  of  gathering  power  and  brilliant 
aggression,  168-165  B.  c. ;  that  of  religious  freedom, 
162-142  B.  c. ;  that  of  religious  freedom  and  political 
independence,  142-63  b.  c. 

2.  The  main  sources  of  information  regarding  this 
period  are  the  First  and  Second  Books  of  Maccabees 
and  Josephus.  Of  these  only  Josephus  gives  a  con- 
nected history  of  the  whole  period.  Back  of  his 
work,  as  also  back  of  the  Books  of  Maccabees,  lay 
sources  known  to  us  now  only  from  the  names  of  their 
authors,  or  from  quotations  and  fragments  which  in 
different  ways  have  been  preserved.  There  was  cer- 
tainly no  lack  of  historical  interest  in  reference  to  this 
critical  epoch.  Supplementary  information  can  be 
gleaned  from  the  general  histories  of  Greek  writers, 
Polybius,  Diodorus,  and  Appian ;  from  rabbinic  litera- 
ture; from  the  literary  products  of  the  period  itself; 
from  the  witness  of  coins,  and  from  the  rich  results 
of  archseological  and  geographical  work  n  Palestine 
during  the  past  thirty  years. 

3.  The  brief,  vivid  narrative  of  I.  Maccabees  be- 
gins with  an  account  of  the  events  which  led  to  the 
Maccabean  uprising  and  ends  with  the  death  of  Simon. 
For  the  forty  years  (175-135  b.  c.)  which  its  history 
covers,  it  is  an  invaluable  source  of  knowledge.  Its 
simple,  straightforward  style,  its  generally  trustworthy 
statements  and  its  attention  to  details,  reveal  the 
true  historian.  From  its  reference  to  the  Romans  as 
friends,  and  to  the  history  of  John  Hyrcanus,  the  date 
of  its  writing  may  be  fixed  at  some  time  in  the  early 
part  of  the  first  century  B.  c.  Its  clear,  definite  ac- 
quaintance with  events   at  such  a  remove  from   the 


THE   HISTORICAL  VALUE  OF  II.   MACCABEES         5 

time  of  writing  presupposes  existing  written  sources. 
The  writer  is  a  Palestinian  Jew,  whose  point  of  view 
is  that  of  orthodox  Judaism,  and  yet  it  is  notable  how 
little  the  author,  despite  all  the  trust  in  Providence 
which  ■  breathes  through  the  book,  seeks  to  explain 
events  by  other  than  natural  causes.  In  this  respect 
the  work  is  the  direct  opposite  of  II.  Maccabees, 
which  shows  a  marked  predilection  for  the  marvel- 
lous. Nor  is  this  the  only  difference  between  these 
two  records  of  Maccabean  history.  It  seems  to  be  the 
aim  of  the  writer  of  the  First  Book  to  let  events  speak 
for  themselves,  and  to  find  in  the  simple  recital  of 
noble  deeds  the  best  teaching  of  religious  devotion. 
The  author  of  the  Second  Book,  on  the  contrary, 
keeps  continually  before  his  reader  the  religious  bear- 
ing and  value  of  the  history. 

4.  The  Second  Book  begins  with  the  attack  upon 
the  temple  by  Heliodorus,  the  minister  of  the  Syrian 
monarch  Seleucus  IV.  (175  B.  c),  and  ends  with  the 
victory  of  Judas  Maccabeus  over  Nicanor  in  160  B.  c. 
For  the  few  years  which  preceded  the  reign  of  An- 
tiochus  Epiphanes,  it  is  our  sole  authority.  Like 
the  First  Book,  it  is  written  from  the  point  of  view 
of  orthodox  Judaism  and  was  dependent  upon  written 
sources.  Indeed,  with  the  exception  of  chapters  i. 
and  ii.,  it  claims  to  be  (ii.  24-32)  an  epitomization  of 
a  work  written  by  Jason  of  Gyrene  not  long  after  160 
B.  c.  The  chronological  parallelism  of  the  accounts 
of  I.  and  II.  Maccabees,  through  several  successive 
j^ears  of  the  history,  affords  opportunity  for  an  easy 
comparison  of  the  characteristics  of  each  narrative. 
Conspicuous  among  the  characteristics  in  the  Second 
Book   is  a  display  of  rhetoric  which   is   inconsistent 


6      THE   MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

with  sober  and  careful  narration.  If  one  may  judge 
from  those  passages  which  are  undoubtedly  from  the 
epitomizer  (ii.  19-32;  xv.  38-39),  this  rhetorical  effect 
is  not  attributable  to  Jason.  The  writer  gives  the 
impression  of  having  worked  up  his  material.  Hence 
with  a  copiousness  of  detail,  which  sometimes  help- 
fully supplements  the  narrative  of  the  First  Book, 
there  is  an  exaggeration  and  often  an  inaccuracy 
which  make  the  whole  work  inferior.  No  indisput- 
able date  can  be  given  for  its  origin ;  it  probably  was 
written  at  some  time  in  the  last  half  of  the  second 
century  B.  c.  Its  chief  value  as  a  source  of  informa- 
tion to  the  historian  is  in  those  facts  where  it  is  not 
directly  at  variance  with  the  First  Book,  and  where 
additional  and  not  improbable  material  makes  more 
complete  the  picture  of  times  or  events. 

5.  In  the  first  six  chapters  of  the  first  book  of  the 
Jewish  War,  Josephus  gives  a  rapid  review  of  the 
principal  events  of  the  Maccabean  period.  The  whole 
book  is  simply  an  introduction  to  the  account  of  the 
war  against  the  Romans  in  A.  D.  66-70,  hence  is 
comparatively  meagre  and  sketchy  as  a  history.  In 
his  Antiquities,  he  has  given  two  entire  books 
(xii.,  xiii.)  to  the  time  between  the  troubles  under 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  and  those  under  Pompey. 
This  narrative  is  based  upon  various  sources.  For 
the  period  175-135  b.  c.  be  relies  principally  upon  I. 
Maccabees,  supplementing  his  material  from  Polybius 
and  other  general  historical  works  of  the  Greeks. 
For  the  rest  of  the  Maccabean  period  his  chief  author- 
ities are  Strabo  and  Nicolas  of  Damascus,  whose  his- 
tories unfortunately  are  lost.  He  also  uses  Jewish 
oral  tradition,  but  its  contribution  is  of  comparatively 


THE   HISTORIES   OF  JOSEPHUS  7 

little  value.  Josephus  shared,  with  many  of  his  coun- 
trymen at  home  and  abroad,  the  anxious  desire  to 
commend  his  nation  to  powerful  and  cultured  for- 
eigners. The  desire  was  both  a  stimulus  and  a 
temptation.  It  impelled  him  to  write  out  in  full  the 
history  of  his  people  from  the  beginning;  it  led  him 
to  color  fact  with  the  light  of  romance,  or  modify  it 
by  adaptations  which  would  harmonize  it  with  Greek 
or  Roman  prejudices.  This  is  noticeable,  as  far  as  the 
Maccabean  period  is  concerned,  in  his  account  of  the 
religious  parties  and  in  his  silence  about  the  Messianic 
hope,  and  these  are  but  prominent  instances  of  an 
unfaithfulness  to  fact,  which  appears  whenever  cir- 
cumstances tempted  him  to  an  emphatic  expression 
of  his  desire.  The  Antiquities,  however,  will  always 
continue  to  be  the  fullest  record  of  Jewish  history. 
It  is  unfortunate  that  his  Jewish  War  has  not 
given  us  a  more  detailed  account  of  the  times  of  the 
Maccabees,  for  this  work  as  a  history  is  superior  to  the 
Antiquities.  Out  of  these  three  sources,  I.  Maccabees, 
the  Antiquities,  and  the  Jewish  War,  it  is  possible, 
however,  with  the  help  of  the  remarkable  results  of 
archaeological  and  geographical  study,  to  make  a  clear, 
definite  picture  of  a  brilliant,  heroic  period  of  Jewish 
history. 

6.  The  spirit  of  that  picture  breathes  in  the  litera- 
ture which  was  the  outcome  of  the  struggles  and 
hopes  of  those  days  of  unrest.  Much  of  this  literature 
is  known  only  by  name,  but  some  great  typical  pro- 
ductions have  been  preserved.  Among  these  stand 
pre-eminent,  Daniel  and  the  Book  of  Enoch.  The 
question  of  the  date  of  the  Book  of  Daniel  is  beset 
with  difficulties.     That  theory,  however,  of  the  time 


8      THE   MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

of  its  origin  which  covers  the  greatest  number  of  facts 
involved  has  just  claim  to  acceptance;  hence  the 
generally  received  view  that  it  belongs  in  the  second 
century  before  Christ  rather  than  in  the  sixth.  The 
point  of  view  of  the  author;  the  way  the  history,  in 
predictive  form,  becomes  specific  in  its  details  as  it 
approaches  the  times  of  persecution  under  Antiochus 
Epiphanes ;  the  theology  of  the  book  and  its  position  in 
the  latest  group  of  the  Hebrew  canon,  all  bear  witness 
to  its  later  origin.  It  is  the  great  prototype  of  that 
apocalyptic  literature  which,  as  best  it  could,  was 
henceforth  to  play  the  prophet's  part  in  comforting, 
inspiring,  and  guiding  the  nation.  It  is  the  model  foi 
all  succeeding  apocalypses.  Antiochus  is  the  little 
horn  of  the  eighth  chapter,  and  chapter  xi.  21-45 
describes  his  reign.  In  those  dark  days,  when  the 
life  of  the  nation  was  threatened,  new  inspiration  to 
fidelity  and  new  hope  of  triumph  were  brought  to  the 
brave  struggling  patriots  by  the  heroic  faithfulness  of 
Daniel  and  the  Hebrew  children.  God  was  "watch- 
ing above  his  own,"  and  the  days  through  which  they 
were  passing  might  issue  in  the  glory  of  the  Messianic 
Kingdom.  This  was  the  message  of  the  Book  of  Daniel 
to  the  Maccabean  leaders  and  their  followers.  From  the 
first  it  seems  to  have  been  received  with  earnest  wel- 
come. While,  thus  considered,  the  book  contributes 
to  our  knowledge  of  the  closing  years  of  the  Greek 
period,  it  is  not  necessary  to  conclude  that  its  stories 
are  entirely  without  basis  in  fact,  and  that  Daniel  is 
himself  a  myth. '  The  stories  are  homilies  rather  than 
histories.  They  give  us,  in  all  probability,  features  of 
a  traditional  story  of  Daniel,  moulded  to  the  purpose  of 
the  author.     Similarly  the  prophetic  visions  all  quicken 


THE  APOCALYPSES  OF  DANIEL  AND  ENOCH         9 

the  expectation  of  the  solution  of  the  desperate  troubles 
of  the  nation  in  the  Messiah's  coming.  Courage  and 
hope  are  the  watchwords  of  the  book.  The  probable 
date  is  not  earlier  than  167  b.  c,  and  not  later  than 
the  beginning  of  165  B.  c. 

7.  The  Book  of  Enoch  is  a  representative  of  a  volumi- 
nous literature  now  lost  which  once  circulated  under 
the  name  of  this  ancient  saint.  From  the  fact  that 
the  book  in  its  component  parts  reflects  the  thoughts 
and  hopes  of  different  periods  from  170  B.  c.  to  the 
early  part  of  the  first  century  before  Christ,  it  be- 
comes a  fruitful  source  of  knowledge  for  the  inner 
life  of  the  nation.  In  the  form  of  visions  and  predic- 
tions clothed  in  strange  and  often  fantastic  symbolism, 
it  speaks  its  message  of  comfort  and  inspiration  to  the 
troubled  yet  valiant  spirits  of  the  Maccabean  era.  It 
aims,  in  common  with  all  apocalyptic  literature,  to 
show  that  despite  the  suffering  and  distress  of  the 
faithful,  God's  righteousness  shall  yet  be  vindicated. 
Hence  it  sketches  in  outline  and  under  peculiar 
imagery  the  history  of  mankind,  and  in  its  prophecy 
of  the  future,  opens  up  not  only  the  issues  of  the 
Messiah's  advent,  but  the  destinies  of  eternity.  The 
book  is  rich  in  doctrinal  teaching  regarding  Messianic 
times  and  the  future  life.  Of  the  five  parts  into 
which  the  whole  may  be  divided,  that  including  chap- 
ters Ixxxiii.  to  xc.  resembles  the  apocalypse  of  Daniel 
in  its  point  of  view,  while  the  portion  xxxvii.  to  Ixxii., 
containing  the  Similitudes,  is  perhaps  the  most  impor- 
tant of  all.  Its  exalted  conceptions  of  the  Messiah  and 
of  the  Messianic  kingdom  are  unique.  The  respec- 
tive dates  of  these  two  sections  are  probably  about 
165  B.  c,  and  some  time  between  94  and  64  B.  c.     It 


10     THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

was  no  obstacle  to  the  power  and  influence  of  these 
prophecies  that  they  came  under  an  assumed  name. 
Their  quickening  hopes  nerved  men  both  to  dare  and 
to  endure. 

8.  While  Judaism  in  Palestine  was  thus  summon- 
ing her  defenders  to  fidelity,  and  in  the  visions  of 
the  prophet  enlarging  and  defining  her  hopes  for  the 
future,  Alexandrian  Judaism  was  engaged  in  earn- 
estly commending  her  faith  to  the  Gentiles.  Along 
lines  that  converge  in  the  work  and  word  of  the 
Master,  each  was  preparing  the  world  for  the  fulness 
of  times.  In  Egypt,  the  reflective  rather  than  the 
martial  mood  predominates,  and  the  literature  which 
we  know,  either  through  the  testimony  of  others,  or 
through  actual  possession  of  it,  glorifies  the  beliefs  and 
hopes  of  "the  chosen  people."  The  fragments  of 
Aristobulus  preserved  by  Eusebius  show  the  begin- 
nings of  the  philosophic  harmonization  of  the  con- 
ceptions of  the  Jew  with  the  thoughts  of  the  Greek, 
which,  despite  all  its  concessions  and  adaptations, 
yet  saved  the  essentials  of  the  Jewish  faith,  and  pre- 
pared the  way  for  a  really  higher  and  more  spiritual 
presentation  of  them  in  later  times.  If  in  the  exag- 
geration of  Jewish  pride  Moses  was  made  by  Aris- 
tobulus and  other  Jewish  philosophers  to  be  the 
teacher  of  the  Greeks,  it  was  because  they  believed 
he  had  some  great  truths  to  teach  which  could  not 
be  gained  elsewhere.  Out  of  all  the  moulding  and 
remoulding  of  religious  conceptions,  which  the  con- 
tact of  revelation  and  philosophy  in  Alexandria  thus 
l)rought  about,  came  some  products  which  appear  in 
our  New  Testament. 

9.    At  the  same  time,  when  this  method  of  extol- 


THE  DATE  OF  THE  WISDOM  OF  SOLOMON    11 

ling  and  interpreting  the  law  was  in  progress,  voices 
were  heard  commending  to  the  thoughtful  among  the 
heathen  the  worth  and  beauty  of  Wisdom.  A  fine 
specimen  of  this  Alexandrian  teaching  is  given  us  in 
the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  whose  exact  date  is  uncer- 
tain. The  two  limits  within  which  it  must  be  placed 
are  the  date  of  the  translation  of  the  Septuagint  on 
the  one  side,  and  the  age  of  Philo  on  the  other.  If 
the  allusion  to  present  sufferings  and  chastisement  in 
xii.  22-23  is  to  the  persecutions  under  Ptolemy  VII., 
the  date  can  be  determined  a  little  more  definitely  and 
may  have  been  about  140  B.  c.  It  is  not  important, 
however,  to  know  the  exact  date.  Its  deep  interest 
as  a  source  for  this  period  of  Alexandrian  Judaism  is 
in  its  revelation  of  the  noble  spirit  which  confronted 
the  idolatry  and  corruption  of  Egypt,  in  its  clear 
insight  into  the  necessity  and  worth  of  the  essentials 
of  righteousness,  and  in  its  exalted  view  of  the  divine 
aspect  of  Wisdom.  The  influences  of  the  Greek  sur- 
roundings of  its  author  are  traceable  in  the  book,  but 
he,  nevertheless,  occupies  the  point  of  view  of  ortho- 
dox Judaism.  "The  stuff  is  still  Hebrew,  but  shot, 
as  it  were,  with  hues  reflecting  the  light  of  western 
speculation."  The  work  may  be  conveniently  divided 
into  two  great  parts,  — chapters  i.  to  ix.,  and  x.  to 
xix.  The  latter  is  devoted  to  the  historic  illustration 
of  the  principles  and  injunctions  set  forth  in  the  first 
half  of  the  work.  In  accord  with  the  custom  of  the 
time,  the  whole  is  attributed,  with  obvious  fitness,  to 
Solomon. 

10.  If  the  names  of  Hebrew  prophets  and  sages 
could  be  used  to  commend  Jewish  teaching  to  heathen 
readers,  it  was  an  easy  advance  to  the  belief  that  a 


12     THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

suitable  name  from  heathenism  itself  might  even  more 
successfully  win  attention.  Hence  the  Sibylline  Ora- 
cles. The  sibyl  in  the  ancient  world  was  an  embodi- 
ment of  prophetic  power;  the  one  who  declared  the 
will  of  the  gods  concerning  the  fate  of  cities  and  king- 
doms. The  number  of  these  sibyls  varied  at  different 
times,  but  there  were  at  least  three  of  wide  renown. 
Written  records  of  their  oracles  were  in  circulation 
and  were  held  in  the  highest  esteem.  Therefore,  as 
Schurer  remarks,  "it  was  a  happy  hit  when  Jewish 
propaganda  took  possession  of  this  form  to  turn  it  into 
account  for  its  own  purposes."  The  use  of  it  began 
in  Alexandria  in  the  second  century  b.  c,  and  proved 
so  serviceable  that  the  early  Christian  Church  con- 
tinued it  in  her  own  interests.  Of  the  large  collec- 
tion of  these  oracles,  Jewish  and  Christian,  which  has 
been  preserved,  the  third  book  is  of  especial  interest 
to  the  student  of  the  Maccabean  period.  It  originated 
probably  about  140  B.  c.  With  the  exception  of  lines 
1-96,  which  are  out  of  place,  the  remainder  of  the 
book,  in  apocalyptic  style,  sketches  the  history  of  the 
world  to  the  time  of  the  Romans,  and  then,  in  lines 
162-195,  passes  over  into  prophecy  concerning  the 
future  of  Israel  and  the  blessings  of  Messianic  times 
(652-817).  Interspersed  through  various  parts  of  the 
whole  are  the  announcements  of  judgments  and  calam- 
ities upon  various  heathen  nations  (295-333,  381- 
572).  In  view  of  the  solemn  issues  which  she  thus 
foretells,  the  Sibyl  appeals  to  all  mortals  to  abandon 
idolatry  and  to  worship  the  one  true  God.  When  the 
happy  time  should  come  in  which  the  glorious  hopes 
of  Judaism  should  be  realized,  he  who  had  been  faith- 
ful to  the  God  of  Israel  should  enter   into  all   the 


THE   MESSAGE   OF  THE   SIBYL  13 

promised  blessedness.  The  Sibyl's  message  was  not 
in  vain.  Never  had  she  spoken  with  greater  solem- 
nity, nor  with  richer  consolation,  and  her  words  reached 
many  to  whom  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  or  the  philoso- 
phizings  of  Aristobulus,  would  be  unknown. 


II 


THE   CAUSES  AND   OCCASION  OF  THE  MACCABEAN 
UPRISING 

11.  The  Maccabean  period  of  Jewish  history  is  in 
reality  the  period  of  the  intense  struggle  for  suprem- 
acy of  two  spiritual  forces,  —  Hellenism  and  Judaism. 
About  this  issue  centred  leaders,  parties,  battles,  and 
all  changes  in  government,  society,  and  religion.  It 
is  significant,  therefore,  that  the  First  Book  of  Mac- 
cabees, our  best  source  of  knowledge  regarding  these 
troublous  times,  begins  its  narrative  with  the  sketch 
of  the  career  of  Alexander  the  Great,  passing  thence 
to  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  the  other  great  champion  of 
Hellenism  and  the  sworn  foe  of  Judaism.  These  two 
names,  as  far  as  Judea  was  concerned,  represent  that 
long  process  of  development  which  reached  its  culmi- 
nation in  the  days  of  Judas  Maccabeus.  Every 
school-boy  is  familiar  with  the  picture  of  Ale:xander 
vv^eeping  for  more  worlds  to  conquer.  His  genius  as 
a  soldier  has  rightly  won  admiration;  but  the  great- 
ness of  the  man  is  more  clearly  seen  in  the  exalted 
ambition  which  he  set  before  himself  of  carrying 
Greek  culture  into  all  lands  he  could  subdue.  He 
sought  that  fusion  of  nationalities  which  should  be 
expressed  not  only  in  unity  of  government,  but  also 
in  unity  of  language,  customs,  and  civilization.  He 
followed  up  his  conquests  by  colonization,  and  when 


THE   CHARACTER   AND   INFLUENCE   OF   HELLENISM     15 

he  died,  his  successors  carried  out  his  purpose  until 
all  about  the  eastern  Mediterranean  Hellenistic  influ- 
ences were  dominant.  Schitrer  reminds  us  of  the 
difference  between  Hellenic  and  Hellenistic  culture, 
—  the  latter  being  more  complex  and  comprehensive  in 
that  it  took  to  itself  the  "available  elements  of  all 
foreign  cultnres;"  but  it  never  lost  the  prevailing 
impress  of  the  Greek  mind.  Its  very  comprehensive- 
ness helped  on  its  advance.  It  had  much  to  offer, 
especially  to  those  who  were,  for  any  reason,  aside 
from  the  great  currents  of  the  world's  life;  but  it  also 
made  imperious  claims,  being  satisfied  with  nothing 
less  than  the  adaptation  of  religion  itself  to  its  own 
modes  of  thought. 

12.  This  force  which  had  powerfully  affected  the 
Jews  in  Egypt  had  established  itself  along  the  coast 
and  all  about  the  northern  and  eastern  sides  of  Pales- 
tine. Indeed,  it  was  asserting  itself  in  Jerusalem, 
and  had  not  Antiochus  Epiphanes  forced  an  issue,  it 
might  there  also  have  ultimately  moulded  all  forms  of 
life.  To  what  extent  it  had  already  prevailed  may  be 
seen  in  the  fact  that  Jason,  the  leader  of  the  Hellen- 
ists, had  persuaded  Antiochus  by  large  gifts  to  depose 
Onias  III.  and  to  give  to  him  the  office  of  high-priest 
with  the  right  to  erect  a  gymnasium  in  Jerusalem. 
This  he  did,  and  not  only  did  the  young  men  show 
their  fondness  for  this  Grecian  privilege,  but  the  priests 
themselves,  "neglecting  the  sacrifices,  hastened  to  be 
partakers  in  the  unlawful  representation  in  the  palaes- 
tra" (II.  Mac.  iv.  7-15;  I.  Mac.  i.  13-14).  Naturally 
they  were  ashamed  of  the  indubitable  mark  of  their 
nationality  when  they  appeared  in  the  arena,  and  con- 
sequently they  sought  to  efface  all  traces  of  circumci- 


16     THE   MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

sion  (I.  Mac.  i.  15).  A  spirit  that  could  go  so  far  in 
"  falling  away  from  the  holy  covenant  and  yoking  itself 
with  the  heathen"  sought  eagerly  in  every  possible 
way  to  show  its  ''broad-mindedness."  Jewish  cos- 
tumes and  names  were  exchanged  for  Greek,  and 
many,  that  they  might  enjoy  in  full  measure  these 
foreign  privileges,  had  themselves  enrolled  as  "citi- 
zens of  Antioch  "  (11.  Mac.  iv.  9).  Along  this  way  of 
apostasy  was  the  possibility  of  wealth  and  political 
preferment;  hence  with  ambitions  for  power  which 
would  use  for  its  own  purposes  the  highest  sacred 
offices;  with  wealth  and  social  prestige,  which  were 
made  the  means  of  realizing  these  ambitions,  and 
with  promises  and  pleasures  that  were  unquestion- 
ably attractive,  Hellenism  sought  for  the  mastery  of 
Judea. 

13.  Over  against  it  stood  the  firm,  uncompromising 
spirit  of  Judaism,  whose  reverence  for  the  law  Avas  its 
distinguishing  mark.  When  the  exile  was  over,  and 
amid  the  holy  associations  of  Jerusalem  the  national 
life  and  worship  began  anew,  there  were  no  more 
temptations  to  the  idolatry  of  the  olden  days.  "  Sepa- 
ration from  all  that  was  heathen  was  from  the  time  of 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah  the  very  vital  nerve  of  Jewish 
piety."  That  separation  was  secured  by  the  law. 
There  was  no  concern  of  life  too  small  to  elude  its 
direction.  By  its  precepts  and  their  careful  applica- 
tion, the  way  to  holiness  was  made  plain  and  explicit. 
The  whole  trend  of  the  development  was  toward  the 
outward  and  the  formal.  It  begat  a  new  idolatry,  — 
that  of  the  letter  and  of  mechanical  observance.  But 
it  held  the  people  to  an  unbounded  zeal  for  that 
"which  had  been  delivered  to  them  by  Moses"  and 


THE   SPIRIT   OF  JUDAISM  17 

expanded  by  the  teachers  of  these  later  days.  The 
scribes  were  the  representative  leaders  of  the  nation. 
Schools  for  the  instruction  of  the  young  were  estab- 
lished in  Jerusalem  and  elsewhere,  and  he  alone 
was  accounted  "learned"  who  had  at  command,  not 
only  the  great  teachings  of  the  Mosaic  law  itself,  but 
also  the  mass  of  explanations  and  decisions  that 
through  the  years  had  accumulated  in  the  teachings 
of  the  scribes.  Men  would  die  rather  than  violate 
the  commands  of  the  law  (I.  Mac.  ii.  34). 

14.  All  this  fidelity  and  scrupulousness  were  counted 
as  commendable  in  the  sight  of  heaven.  Pride  kept 
pace  with  fidelity.  The  severity  of  their  demands 
became  an  inspiration  to  hold  fast  to  the  traditions, 
and  to  glorify  the  power  that  produced  them.  Politi- 
cal ambitions  were,  to  those  who  kept  alive  this  zeal, 
entirely  subordinate  to  the  one  main  purpose  of  life, 
the  maintenance  of  religious  ideals.  Piety,  defined  by 
such  interpretations  as  were  making  it  increasingly  a 
matter  of  definite  routine,  was  the  most  vital  concern. 
With  the  progress  of  Hellenization,  advanced  this 
Puritanic,  legalistic  spirit,  which  could  in  later  days 
declare  that  "  the  law  must  be  fulfilled  even  if  Israel 
be  ruined  by  it."  Around  the  temple  worship  in 
Jerusalem  and  in  the  synagogues  the  land  over,  Juda- 
ism fed  its  hopes,  cherished  its  ideals,  and  strengthened 
its  resistance,  as  far  as  it  could,  against  all  external 
influences  seeking  to  mould  or  to  destroy  the  faith 
which  was  its  peculiar  glory.  In  all  the  complex  and 
often  tragic  history  which  lies  before  us,  these  two 
underlying,  antagonistic  forces  —  Hellenism  and  Jew- 
ish legalism  —  are  constantly  at  work.  They  are  the 
real  causes  of  all  the  perplexing  complications  which 

2 


18    THE   MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  historian  of  the  two  centuries  of  Jewish  history 
before  Christ's  coming  must  set  forth. 

15.  At  the  close  of  the  Greek  Period  (175-165  B.  c. ; 
see  Kent,  History  Jewish  People,  Vol.  III.),  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  was  on  the  throne  of  Syria.  His  training 
while  a  hostage  for  fourteen  years  in  Rome,  his  reck- 
less, passionate  nature,  and  his  determined  espousal  of 
everything  Greek  made  him  from  the  first  a  rpan  to  be 
feared.  His  ambition  to  Hellenize  his  whole  kingdom 
met  with  the  hearty  support  of  the  Greek  party  in 
Judea.  Jason,  the  leader  of  this  party,  and  the 
brother  of  the  faithful  high-priest  Onias  III.,  asked  for 
the  high-priest's  office,  and  with  the  help  of  a  goodly 
sum  of  gold  obtained  it  (II.  Mac.  iv.  7-10).  It  was 
a  position  of  great  power  for  good  or  for  evil,  for  since 
the  days  of  Ezra  it  had  grown  in  importance,  becom- 
ing political  as  well  as  religious  in  character.  The 
high-priest  was  virtually  the  head  of  the  nation.  He 
was  the  representative  of  the  old  order  and  in  the 
normal  progress  of  affairs  held  his  office  for  life. 
Jason  wished  the  place  in  order  to  gratify  personal 
ambitions  and  to  carry  out  the  schemes  of  the  party 
which  he  represented,  for  "he  forthwith  led  his 
fellow-countrymen  over  to  the  Greek  fashion  "  (II. 
Mac.  iv.  10).  Jerusalem  for  the  first  time  saw  the 
strange  doings  of  the  gymnasium,  and  was  called  upon 
to  send  money  to  the  sacrificial  festival  of  Hercules  at 
Tyre.  All  this  pleased  Antiochus,  and  the  process  of 
Hellenization  must  have  seemed  to  him  to  be  making 
most  satisfactory  progress,  when  upon  the  occasion  of 
a  visit  shortly  afterward  to  Jerusalem-  he  was  escorted 
into  the  city  "  with  torchlights  and  with  great  shout- 
ings "  (II.  Mac.  iv.  22). 


THE   HIGH-PRIESTS  JASON  AND   MENELAUS        19 

16.  In  171  B.  c.  came  Jason's  turn  to  be  set  aside. 
A  certain  Menelaus  whom  Jason  had  sent  to  Antioch 
on  business  at  court,  offered  the  king  three  hundred 
talents  more  than  Jason  was  giving,  and  was  conse- 
quently' appointed  high-priest.  The  statement  that 
he  brought  to  it  nothing  worthy  the  high-priesthood 
(II.  Mac.  iv.  25)  is  hardly  necessary,  for  it  is  easily 
read  in  the  career  whose  very  beginning  gave  promise 
of  all  its  treachery  and  baseness.  Most  of  the  people 
took  the  side  of  Jason  (Ant.  xii.  5,  1);  but  without 
success.  He  was  driven  into  exile,  and  Menelaus 
turned  his  attention  to  getting  the  money  which  he 
had  promised  Antiochus.  He  had,  however,  bar- 
gained for  too  large  a  sum.  He  could  not  procure  it 
by  the  usual  method  of  taxation,  and  so  helped 
himself  from  the  temple  treasures.  There  was  no 
quicker  way  to  arouse  the  passion  of  the  people. 
Onias  III.  rebuked  the  dastardly  act  and  paid  for  his 
fidelity  with  his  life,  or,  as  Wellhausen,  distrusting 
the  story  in  II.  Maccabees,  maintains,  fled  to  Egypt 
(see  J.  W.  i.  1).  The  people  killed  Lysimachus, 
the  agent  of  Menelaus,  near  the  treasury,  and  sent  a 
deputation  to  Antiochus  to  prefer  charges  against  the 
unprincipled  high-priest.  The  latter,  though  con- 
victed, saved  himself  by  bribery,  and  secured  the 
death  of  his  accusers  (II.  Mac.  iv.  42-47).  The  out- 
look for  those  who  loved  the  law  was  dark  indeed. 
Menelaus  was  more  than  ever  the  ready  and  effective 
tool  of  Antiochus. 

17.  In  172  B.  c.  Ptolemy  VI.  claimed  Coele-Syria 
and  Palestine  as  the  dowry  of  his  mother,  Cleopatra, 
and  when  Epiphanes  refused  to  give  it  up,  invaded 
Syrian  territory.     This  act  resulted  in  a  war  between 


20    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Antiochus  and  his  nephews.  Our  interest  centres  in 
the  second  Egyptian  campaign  made  in  170  b.  c,  for 
the  report  of  the  king's  death  in  Egypt  led  the  exiled 
Jason  to  try  and  put  himself  again  into  the  high- 
priest's  office.  He  suddenly  appeared  at  Jerusalem, 
captured  the  city,  and  shut  up  Menelaus  in  the  cita- 
del. It  was,  however,  a  short-lived  victory,  for  Jason 
"slew"  his  own  citizens  without  mercy,  not  thinking 
that  "good  success  against  kinsmen  is  the  greatest 
ill  success  "  (II.  Mac.  v.  6).  He  was  obliged  to  go 
again  into  exile,  where  he  died  with  none  to  mourn 
for  him.  His  desperate  deed,  however,  was  fraught 
with  fearful  consequences  to  Jerusalem.  Antiochus 
looked  upon  it  as  a  revolt  of  Judea  and  "  in  furious 
mind  "  sought  vengeance.  The  record  in  I.  Maccabees 
i.  24,  describes  his  conduct  by  the  two  words,  "  defile- 
ment" and  "insolence,"  but  the  account  in  II.  Mac- 
cabees does  not  seem  exaggerated  in  declaring  that 
men,  women,  and  children  were  killed  in  wholesale 
fashion  and  thousands  were  sold  into  slavery.  Nor 
was  this  all.  Guided  by  Menelaus,  the  king  insolently 
entered  the  temple,  plundered  its  enormous  treasures, 
and  carried  away  to  Antioch  its  valuable  articles  of 
furniture.  Philip,  a  Phrygian,  and  a  man  more  de- 
testable, if  possible,  than  Antiochus  himself,  was  left 
in  command  of  the  city. 

18.  The  worst  was  yet  to  come.  In  168  B.  c. 
Antiochus  made  another  expedition  to  Egypt.  He 
had  in  former  campaigns  been  sufficiently  successful 
to  warrant  him  in  believing  that  he  could  now  make 
Egypt  his  own ;  but  Rome  had  listened  to  the  request 
of  the  Ptolemies  for  help,  and  a  Roman  envoy  deliv- 
ered to  Antiochus  a  written  order  from  the  senate  to 


ANTIOCHUS  ATTEMPTS  TO  ROOT  OUT  JUDAISM  21 

discontinue  the  war.  Antiochus  asked  for  time  to 
consult  with  his  friends  before  giving  his  answer. 
Popilius,  the  Roman  legate,  drew  a  circle  in  the  sand 
with  his  staff  round  the  Syrian  king  and  said :  "  Before 
you  step  out  of  that  circle  you  must  decide."  There 
was  no  alternative,  and  the  schemes  of  Antiochus  in 
Egypt  were  forever  ended. 

19.  Frustrated  and  embittered,  he  again  made  the 
Jews  the  victims  of  his  revenge.  Josephus  tells  us 
(Ant.  xii.  5,  4;  Against  Ap.  ii.  7)  that  the  reason  of 
his  attack  upon  Jerusalem  was  liis  need  of  money. 
Unquestionably  this  was  so  in  part,  but  it  was  not  the 
chief  reason.  The  resistance  of  many  to  his  heatheniz- 
ing schemes  kept  alive  his  malignant  hatred,  and  he 
now  resolved  that  this  determined  "superstition" 
should  be  rooted  out  (I.  Mac.  i.  41).  There  must  be 
no  more  observance  of  the  Sabbath,  no  more  offering 
of  sacrifices  to  Jehovah,  no  more  practising  of  the  rite 
of  circumcision.  Every  trace  of  Jewish  worship  and 
ceremonial  must  be  done  away  with.  Nor  was  the 
change  to  be  merely  negative.  All  Jews  must  adopt 
heathen  practices  (II.  Mac.  vi.  7,  9),  and  any  one 
found  with  the  book  of  the  law  in  his  possession  was 
to  be  put  to  death  (I.  Mac.  i.  41-50).  As  a  program 
offering  unlimited  opportunity  for  terrible  work  in  its 
execution,  it  was  worthy  of  the  ruler  who  made  it. 

20.  At  the  head  of  an  army  of  twenty-two  thou- 
sand men,  Apollonius,  the  Syrian  general,  came  to 
Jerusalem.  He  professed  peace,  but  waiting  for  a 
Sabbath  in  order  to  take  the  Jews  unprepared,  he 
began  a  merciless  slaughter  (II.  Mac.  v.  25,  26). 
The  temple  was  dismantled  and  laid  waste,  and,  that 
his  revenues  might  be  increased,  women  and  children 


22    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

were  sold  into  slavery.  The  walls  of  the  city  were 
pulled  down,  and  many  houses  looted  and  set  on  fire 
(I.  Mac.  i.  31,  32,  39;  Ant.  xii.  5,  4).  All  who  could 
make  their  escape  fled  either  to  Egypt  or  to  hiding- 
places  in  Judea,  and  strangers  were  brought  in  who 
would  be  in  sympathy  with  Menelaus  and  the  Syrians. 
Only  one  place  was  built  up,  —  the  citadel  on  Acra. 
This  stronghold  gave  command  of  the  temple  enclosure 
and  was  for  twenty-seven  years  a  constant  menace  to 
the  city  until  its  capture  by  the  Hasmonean  Simon, 
in  141  B.  c. 

21.  But  the  deepest  insults  of  this  awful  time  were 
worked  out  upon  the  temple  mount.  In  December, 
168  B.  c,  a  pagan  altar  was  built  upon  the  site  of  the 
great  altar  of  burnt  offering,  and  dedicated  to  the 
Olympian  Zeus.  Soldiers  and  harlots  revelled  in 
the  temple  courts,  and  into  them  swine  were  driven 
and  sacrificed  and  their  polluting  blood  sprinkled 
upon  the  most  holy  places  (II.  Mac.  vi.  2-4;  Ant. 
xii.  5,  4).  The  people  were  compelled  to  take  part  in 
these  heathen  sacrifices,  and  overseers  were  appointed 
to  make  sure  that  the  same  conformity  in  worship 
existed  in  all  parts  of  the  land  (I.  Mac.  i.  51).  As 
many  copies  of  the  law  or  of  other  sacred  writings  as 
the  soldiers  could  lay  hands  on  were  destroyed.  Death 
was  the  certain  penalty  to  any  one  who  persisted  in 
following  the  commands  of  the  Jewish  law.  The 
only  alternatives  were  conformity  to  pagan  customs, 
or  extermination.  Menelaus  had  no  small  part  in 
bringing  all  this  about  (Ant.  xii.  9,  7).  With  the 
city  in  full  possession  of  the  Syrians  and  the  Jews 
who  followed  him ;  with  the  faithful  scattered  into  all 
parts  of  the  land,  he   could  congratulate  Antiochus 


THE   FATE   OF  THE   FAITHFUL  JEWS  23 

on  the  successful  issue  of  his  work.  It  is  not  surpris- 
ing that  many  Jews  gave  their  allegiance  in  full  to  the 
heathen  cult  (I.  Mac.  i.  52).  It  was  a  day  of  sifting, 
but  it  was  also  a  day  of  awakening.  The  mask  of 
Hellenism  was  off.  Its  "  broad-minded  "  culture  was 
at  heart  false  and  really  godless.  With  all  that  it  had 
to  offer  in  the  way  of  material  enlargement,  its  very 
atmosphere  was  filled  with  the  miasma  of  moral  death 
and  corruption.  So,  at  least,  thought  that  band  of 
faithful  souls  who,  in  the  hiding-places  of  the  moun- 
tains and  desert,  strengthened  their  zeal  for  the  law 
and  solemnly  determined  to  die  rather  than  renounce 
their  faith  (I.  Mac.  i.  62-64).  In  the  destruction  of 
their  sacred  books  the  Jews  realized  anew  the  priceless 
value  of  them  all,  and  in  this  realization  may  be  dated 
the  impulse  to  add  to  the  existing  canon  of  the  Law 
and  the  Prophets  the  third  group  of  writings  now  in- 
cluded in  our  Old  Testament. 

22.  Naturally  such  opposition  kindled  the  hot  anger 
of  Antiochus.  He  resorted  to  all  the  devices  which 
cruelty  could  invent  to  force  his  will  upon  the  Jews. 
Josephus  tells  us  (Ant.  xii.  5,  4),  that  men  were 
"whipped  with  rods,  their  limbs  torn  to  pieces,  and 
that  they  were  fixed  to  crosses  while  alive  and  breath- 
ing; "  and,  as  an  example  of  what  it  would  mean  to 
defy  the  command  forbidding  circumcision,  "certain 
women  who  had  caused  their  children  to  be  circum- 
cised were  paraded  around  the  streets  of  Jerusalem, 
with  their  babes  hanging  at  their  breasts,  and  then 
thrown  from  a  high  wall  and  killed  "  (I.  Mac.  i.  60, 
61 ;  n.  Mac.  vi.  10).  To  this  time  also  belong  those 
stories  told  in  the  Second  Book  of  Maccabees,  which, 
whether   true  or  not  in  all  their  details,  reflect  the 


24    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

merciless  spirit  of  the  Hellenists.  One  is  of  Eleazar, 
the  aged  scribe,  who  refused  to  eat  swine's  flesh,  and 
when  urged  to  dissemble  by  buying  flesh  of  his  own 
procuring  and  substituting  it  for  the  sacrificial  meat, 
declared  that  he  must  "leave  a  noble  example  to 
such  as  be  young  to  die  willingly  and  courageously 
for  the  honorable  and  holy  laws,"  and  then  went  un- 
flinchingly to  torture  (II.  Mac.  vi.  18-31).  The 
second  story  is  of  a  mother  and  her  seven  sons,  who 
died  one  after  another  under  most  excruciating  suffer- 
ing, which,  in  each  case,  seemed  only  to  nerve  the 
soul  to  heroic  steadfastness  of  faith.  It  was  with 
such  spirits  that  Antiochus  had  now  to  deal.  For 
a  little  while  they  waited  as  if  stunned  by  the  awful 
blow  which  had  fallen  upon  the  city  and  the  temple. 
They  even  submitted  at  first  to  the  cowardly  artifice 
of  the  Syrians  in  taking  the  Sabbath  to  attack  them 
(Ant.  xii.  6,  2),  and  perished  one  thousand  of  them 
without  resistance.  Desperate,  however,  as  it  seemed, 
and  contrary  as  it  was  to  the  long  habit  of  submis- 
sion, there  was  no  other  way  of  escaping  a  shameless 
and  cruel  death  than  to  take  the  sword  and  look  to 
the  God  of  battles  for  success.  But  who  should  lead 
them? 

23.  Among  the  limestone  hills  of  Judea,  about 
twenty  miles  northwest  of  Jerusalem,  lay  the  little 
town  of  Modein  on  a  hill-slope  one  mile  north  from  the 
old  road  which  led  from  the  capital  to  Lydda,  by  the 
stony  way  of-Beth-horon.  It  was  a  place  of  no  beauty 
in  itself,  but  it  commanded  a  wide  prospect  over  the 
plain  of  Sharon  and  the  "Great  Sea."  In  this  retired 
spot  Mattathias,  an  aged  priest  of  the  order  of  Joarib, 
had  his   hereditary^  estates,    and   when    the   troubles 


THE  BEGINNING  OF  OPEN  RESISTANCE  25 

began  at  Jerusalem,  lie,  with  his  five  sons,  retired 
thither  mourning  the  terrible  profanation  of  the  holy 
city  and  temple  and  firm  in  their  conviction  that  "  it 
were  better  for  them  to  die  for  the  laws  of  their  coun- 
try than  to  live  so  ingloriously "  as  the  conditions 
in  Jerusalem  demanded  (I.  Mac.  ii.  1-14;  Ant.  xii. 
6,  1).  They  had  not  been  long  in  Modein  when  the 
officials  of  Antiochus  appeared  to  carry  out  his  will 
regarding  heathen  sacrifices.  In  the  company  that 
hastily  gathered  about  the  officers  were  Mattathias 
and  his  sons.  An  appeal  was  made  to  the  venerable 
priest,  as  a  man  of  influence,  to  set  the  example  of 
compliance  with  the  king's  command.  "You  and 
your  house  shall  then  be  in  the  number  of  the  king's 
friends,  and  you  and  your  children  shall  be  honored 
with  silver  and  gold  and  many  gifts  "  (I-  Mac.  ii. 
15-18).  Many  times  had  that  promise  been  effective. 
"The  king's  friends,"  after  this  sort,  were  even  then 
dwelling  in  Jerusalem  and  Samaria  and  throughout 
the  land.  Well  the  people  knew  what  was  involved 
in  refusing  this  proffered  friendship,  but  "  he  who  had 
rent  his  clothes  and  put  on  sackcloth  "  because  of  the 
shame  of  Jerusalem  had  no  ear  for  the  temptations 
of  an  abhorred  Hellenism.  "If  all  the  nations  that 
are  under  the  king's  dominions  obey  him  and  fall 
away  every  one  from  the  worship  of  their  fathers,  and 
give  consent  to  his  commandments ;  yet  will  I  and  my 
sons  and  my  brethren  walk  in  the  covenant  of  our 
fathers.  God  forbid  that  we  should  forsake  the  law 
and  the  ordinances.  We  will  not  hearken  to  the 
king's  words  to  go  aside  from  our  worship  either  to  the 
right  hand  or  to  the  left "  (I.  Mac.  ii.  19-22).  He 
had  hardly  ceased  speaking  when   a  Jew,   either  to 


26    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

assert  his  Hellenizing  sympathy,  or  to  save  the  village 
from  the  wrath  of  the  Syrians,  stepped  forward  to 
make  the  detested  sacrifice.  Mattathias,  in  the  fury 
of  his  indignation,  was  on  the  man  in  an  instant  and 
killed  him.  Then  he  turned  upon  the  king's  commis- 
sioner and,  ere  this  man  could  defend  himself,  struck 
him  down  beside  the  altar,  which  was  immediately 
pulled  to  pieces  (I.  Mac.  ii.  24-26). 

24.  The  deed  of  Mattathias  was  virtually  the  call  to 
war.  It  was  the  uplifting  of  the  standard  of  Judaism. 
In  an  unpremeditated  moment  one  of  the  noblest  and 
bravest  struggles  in  all  history  for  religious  freedom 
had  begun.  Calling  to  all  who  were  zealous  for  the 
law  and  the  covenant  to  follow  him,  Mattathias  and 
his  sons  fled  across  the  central  mountain  ridge  to  the 
wilderness  of  Bethaven,  above  the  Jordan  valley.  In 
this  wild  region  they  hid  themselves  in  caves.  The 
news  of  the  bold  deed  at  Modein  found  its  way 
rapidly  among  the  villages,  and  many  "who  sought 
after  justice  and  judgment "  deserted  their  homes,  and 
hastily  driving  their  cattle  before  them,  also  sought 
refuge  in  the  wilderness  (I.  Mac.  ii.  27-30).  An  army 
hastily  sent  out  from  Jerusalem  was  at  first  successful 
because  of  the  unwillingness  of  the  Jews  to  defend 
themselves  on  the  Sabbath.  Mattathias  and  his  fol- 
lowers with  greater  wisdom  determined  to  place  ne- 
cessity above  even  the  rigid  law  governing  the  holy 
day,  and  agreed  to  fight  whenever  attacked  (I.  Mac. 
ii.  30-41). 

25.  With  each  fresh  determination  to  resist,  the 
zeal  for  the  law  seems  to  have  been  quickened.  Rec- 
ognizing in  Mattathias  a  leader  who  had  the  courage 
of  his  convictions,  the  people  gathered  about  him  and 


THE  COMPANY  OF  HASIDEANS  27 

joined  in  an  aggressive  guerilla  warfare,  easily  possible 
in  the  mountainous  country  about  them.  They  made 
rapid  descents  upon  the  villages,  not  only  pulling 
down  the  heathen  altars,  but  also  putting  to  death 
all  apostate  Jews  whom  they  captured,  and  compelling 
the  circumcision  of  all  children  in  the  households  of 
these  apostates.  At  times  they  were  able  to  put  to 
flight  a  company  of  Syrians.  Success  gave  them  hope 
and  such  confidence  that  they  could  boast  that  they 
"recovered  the  law  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Gentiles 
and  out  of  the  hand  of  kings,  and  suffered  not  the 
sinner  to  triumph;  "  that  is,  they  protected  those  who 
wished  to  observe  the  law  and  stood  effectually  in  the 
way  of  the  progress  of  Hellenizing  influences. 

26.  Among  those  who  rallied  to  the  support  of  Mat- 
tathias  was  "a  company  of  Hasideans."  The  name 
is  of  more  than  passing  interest,  for  it  marks,  at  an 
earlier  stage,  that  line  of  development  which  cul- 
minated in  the  Pharisees  of  later  days,  —  the  line  of 
legalistic  precision  and  exaction.  We  have  already 
seen  that  the  law  was  the  sum  and  substance  of  post- 
exilic  Judaism.  The  measure  of  one's  earnestness  in 
seeking  to  know  and  obey  it  was  also  the  measure 
of  his  worth  and  honor  among  the  people ;  and  so  the 
scribe  became  the  man  of  authority  and  power.  Zeal- 
ous always  for  the  maintenance  of  that  which  to  him 
was  so  vital,  he  became  doubly  alert  when  the  seductive 
influences  of  Hellenism  were  threatening  to  sap  the  very 
life  of  the  nation.  It  was  probably  under  the  stress  of 
the  days  of  the  madness  of  Antiochus  that  this  party 
of  "the  pious"  was  formed.  Its  formation  was  an 
added  emphasis  upon  that  necessity  of  separation 
which  was  called  for  by  fidelity  to  the  law.     Alas  for 


28    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

this  whole  trend  in  Israel's  life!  It  made  the  em- 
phasis more  and  more  explicit  until  the  outcome  was 
the  burdens  and  the  bitterness  of  the  Pharisaism  of 
New  Testament  times.  Whether  or  not  Mattathias 
belonged  to  this  new  party  is  uncertain.  He  certainly 
expressed  its  spirit  in  his  brave  speech  in  Modein, 
and  his  whole  conduct,  as  far  as  it  can  be  studied, 
reveals  that  wisdom  and  strength  which  made  him  such 
a  leader  as  these  devoted  patriots  needed.  The  acces- 
sion of  the  Hasideans  brought  the  venerable  priest- 
captain  great  strength  and  inspiration.  The  rebellion 
had  now  assumed  proportions  which  required  constant 
watchfulness  and  care.  The  leadership  proved  too 
much  for  the  aged  Mattathias.  In  167  b.  c,  he  died, 
after  having  served  "the  cause  of  the  law"  about  a 
year,  "  and  all  Israel  made  great  lamentation  for  him  " 
(I.  Mac.  ii.  70).    He  was  buried  in  Modein. 


Ill 


THE   SUCCESSFUL   STRUGGLE  FOR  RELIGIOUS 
FREEDOM 

27.  "If  it  was  a  piece  of  higher  good  fortune  that 
the  insurrection  broke  out  undesignedly  and  was  set 
on  foot  by  a  holy  man  of  such  blameless  character,  it 
was  no  less  so  that  on  his  death  he  left  behind  him  a 
heroic  band  of  five  sons,  who  all  shared  his  principles 
and  were  ready  to  carry  on  the  contest  without  an 
instant's  delay"  (Ewald).  These  five  sons,  John, 
Simon,  Judas,  Eleazar,  and  Jonathan,  were  known  as 
the  "Maccabees,"  from  the  surname  of  Judas,  who 
was  called  Maccabeus,  that  is,  "the  hammerer,"  — 
though  this  interpretation,  as  well  as  every  other,  has 
been  questioned,  —  and  as  the  "  Hasmoneans "  from 
Hasmon,  their  grandfather.  These  Mattathias  gath- 
ered about  him  just  before  his  death,  and  in  words  which 
are  outlined  for  us  in  I.  Maccabees  ii.  49-69,  urged 
upon  them  courageous  fidelity  to  the  law.  Simon,  the 
second-born,  because  of  his  wisdom  was  commended 
by  the  father  to  the  position  of  chief,  and  Judas,  the 
third  son,  was  named  as  their  general.  It  is  a 
notable  characteristic  of  these  five  men  that  without 
jealousy  they  threw  themselves  into  the  earnest  work 
committed  to  their  hands.  Judas  at  once  assumed 
command  and  proved  himself  one  of  the  greatest  war- 


30    THE   MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

riors  ever  known  in  Israel.  In  him  the  spirit  of  a 
Joshua  lived  again.  He  was,  indeed,  a  "warrior  of 
God."  His  exalted  enthusiasm,  sagacious  methods, 
and  vigorous,  decisive  action  soon  inspired  his  small 
army,  enabling  it  to  win  victories  which  are  little  short 
of  marvellous. 

28.  At  first  Judas  followed  the  policy  which  his 
father  had  adopted.  Making  sudden  sallies  upon  the 
outlying  villages,  or  attacking  them  at  night,  he  car- 
ried on  a  destructive,  terrifying  warfare.  As  Judea 
belonged  under  the  supervision  of  Apollonius,  the 
governor  of  Samaria,  he  advanced  against  Judas, 
who,  watching  his  opportunity,  fell  upon  the  advanc- 
ing force  of  Syrians  and  defeated  them.  Apollonius 
was  slain  and  the  sword  of  the  Syrian  general  taken 
by  Judas  for  his  own  use  (I.  Mac.  iii.  10-12;  Ant. 
xii.  7,  1).  The  news  of  the  defeat  soon  found  its 
way  to  the  north,  and  Seron,  the  commander  of  the 
province  of  Coele-Syria,  determined  to  put  down  the 
rebellion.  In  full  confidence  of  an  easy  victory,  Seron 
moved  southward  with  a  large  army,  and  was  met  by 
Judas  at  Beth-horon,  —  a  rough  pass  near  Modein, 
leading  from  the  plain  to  the  central  ridge,  —  and 
hopelessly  defeated.  As  the  Jews  looked  down  upon 
the  large  force  coming  up  toward  them,  the  odds 
against  them  seemed  too  great,  and  they  were  anxious 
to  withdraw.  By  a  speech  whose  few  sentences  (see 
I.  Mac.  iii.  18-22)  reveal  the  sure  faith  of  Judas, 
the  little  army  was  inspirited,  and  with  an  impetuosity 
which  carried  all  before  it,  the  battle  began.  Seron 
fell,  and,  in  the  flight  down  into  the  plain,  eight  hun- 
dred of  his  troops.  The  rest  escaped  to  the  land  of 
the  Philistines  (I.  Mac.  iii.  23,  24).     Two  such  vie- 


THE  FIRST   VICTORIES  OF  JUDAS  31 

tories   made   the   name   of    Judas   famous    and   gave 
Antiochus  reason  for  much  uneasiness. 

29.  The  Syrian  king  now  determined  that  the  Jews 
should  be  rooted  out  and  Jerusalem  utterly  destroyed ; 
but  he  himself  could  not  go  into  Judea,  for  his  treasury 
was  empty,  and  money  he  must  have,  both  to  keep  up 
his  lavish  giving  and  to  pay  his  troops.  He,  accord- 
ingly, set  out  upon  a  predatory  expedition  against 
Parthia,  and  committed  the  task  of  punishing  the  Jews 
to  Lysias,  his  governor-general,  and  the  guardian  of  his 
son  (I.  Mac.  iii.  31-33).  To  guard  against  any  possi- 
bility of  failure,  great  preparations  were  made  against 
the  small,  resolute  army  of  Judas.  Forty  thousand 
footmen  and  seven  thousand  horse  were  placed  under 
the  command  of  three  experienced  generals,  —  Ptolemy, 
Nicanor,  and  Gorgias.  This  force,  with  a  detachment 
of  elephants,  made  its  way  down  the  plain  of  Sharon, 
and  turning  up  to  the  hills,  encamped  at  Emmaus, 
about  twenty  miles  northwest  of  Jerusalem.  On  this 
same  route  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  long  afterward  led 
the  English  in  their  advance  from  Acre  to  Jerusalem. 
Judas  gathered  his  forces  at  Mizpeh,  sacred  to  the 
memory  of  Samuel's  mighty  intercession  for  Israel 
against  the  Philistines  (I.  Sam.  vii.  5-13).  From  the 
summit  of  this  mountain  one  has  a  wide  outlook 
over  the  Judean  hills,  Jerusalem  being  easily  visible. 
With  humiliation  and  fasting,  the  people  brought  be- 
fore the  Lord  the  signs  of  their  extremity,  —  the 
scroll  of  the  law,  the  garments  of  the  priests,  the  first 
fruits,  the  tithes,  and  the  uncompleted  vows  of  the 
Nazarites.  These  all  spoke  of  the  desolated  temple 
and  emphasized  the  cry  for  help  which  came  from 
anxious  but  faithful  hearts.     Judas   then   organized 


32    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

them  for  attack,  dismissing  these  who  in  strict  accord- 
ance with  Mosaic  requirements  were  excusable  (Deut. 
XX.  6-9),  for  it  was  a  time  to  be  faithful  in  every 
particular  if  they  would  gain  divine  favor. 

30.  Gorgias,  intending  to  surprise  the  Jews,  marched 
up  from  Emmaus  toward  Mizpeh  at  night,  only  to  find 
that  Judas  had  disappeared.  This  disappearance  he 
interpreted  as  flight ;  but,  in  reality,  it  was  part  of  a 
clever  scheme  of  Judas  to  mislead  the  Syrian;  for 
on  learning  that  Gorgias  had  divided  his  forces,  Judas 
descended  from  Mizpeh  to  the  hills  south  of  Emmaus. 
This  he  did  in  order  to  fall  suddenly  upon  the  Syrian 
camp,  hoping,  if  successful,  to  surprise  Gorgias  upon 
his  return  from  Mizpeh.  To  nerve  his  soldiers  to  one 
of  their  impetuous  onslaughts,  Judas  delivered  to 
them  a  noble  address  (I.  Mac.  iv.  8-11),  and  then 
commanded  them  to  charge.  For  a  moment  the 
Syrians  wavered,  then  turned  and  fled  toward  the 
plain.  The  Jews  followed  in  hot  pursuit  as  far  south 
as  Azotus,  slaying  three  thousand  of  the  enemy.  The 
camp  with  all  its  spoil  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
needy  troops,  who  would  immediately  have  given 
themselves  up  to  the  enjoyment  of  all  that  they  had 
gained  had  not  Judas,  returning  from  pursuit,  given 
them  timely  warning  regarding  the  division  commanded 
by  Gorgias.  Even  while  he  was  speaking  the  Syrians 
appeared  on  the  heights  above,  and  dismayed  at  see- 
ing their  camp  in  possession  of  the  Jews,  became 
panic-stricken  and  fled.  The  victory  was  compara- 
tively easy,  and  the  men  of  Judas  were  greatly  en- 
riched by  it,  for  much  gold  and  silver  and  silk,  besides 
weapons  and  supplies  of  food,  came  to  them.  One  of 
the  sources  of  wealth  was  the  company  of  Phoenician 


THE   VICTORIES  AT  EMMAUS   AND  BETHSUR       33 

slave-traders  who  had  followed  the  Syrian  army  intend- 
ing to  buy  Jewish  captives  at  a  fixed  price,  so  sure 
had  Gorgias  and  Nicanor  been  of  success. 

31.  The  great  victory  of  Emroaus  was  secured  in 
166  B.  C.  In  the  following  autumn  of  165  Lysias  him- 
self took  the  field  with  an  army  of  sixty  thousand  foot 
soldiers  and  five  thousand  horse,  — large  enough  seem- 
ingly to  annihilate  the  small  force  with  Judas;  but 
the  Syrians  were  forced  to  fight  in  a  mountainous 
country  against  picked  men,  who  were  inspired  by  a 
common  zeal  and  ready  to  die  rather  than  to  yield. 
This  time  the  foreign  army  was  taken  farther  south, 
in  order  to  avoid  the  dangerous  approaches  to  the 
western  passes,  and  was  led  up  on  the  central  ridge 
from  the  southwest.  Judas  had  .selected  his  position 
at  Bethsur,  about  four  miles  north  of  Hebron.  "  The 
water-shed  is  lowest  at  this  point,  and  a  narrow  pass 
leads  by  a  beautiful  spring  under  the  rocky  scarp 
where  Bethsur  then  stood,  west  of  the  road,  while  to 
the  east  a  rounded  hill  rises  above  a  low  cliff  towards 
the  mountain  village  of  HalhuU."  It  was  a  strategic 
situation,  and  the  confidence  of  the  Judeans  in  their 
leader  made  them  eager  for  fight.  With  a  prayer  for 
God's  favor  Judas  led  them  into  battle,  and  again  the 
Syrians  were  routed,  leaving  five  thousand  of  their 
number  on  the  field.  Lysias  was  satisfied  that  he  had 
inadequate  forces  and  hastily  withdrew  to  Antioch  in 
order  to  make  greater  preparation  against  his  cour- 
ageous foe  (I.  Mac.  iv.  28-35;  II.  Mac.  xi.  1-12). 

32.  A  decided  change  of  spirit  now  came  to  the 
Jews  as  the  result  of  these  victories.  Hitherto  they 
had  defended  themselves;  now  they  were  ready  to 
move  forward  in  their  own  interests.     They  were  not 

3 


34    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

yet  strong  enough  to  drive  out  the  Syrian  garrison  in 
Jerusalem,  but  they  could  purify  the  temple  and  set 
up  once  more  the  true  worship  of  Jehovah.  When 
Judas  made  the  proposal  to  undertake  this,  it  met  with 
hearty  and  unanimous  approval  (I.  Mac.  iv.  36,  37; 
Ant.  xii.  7,  6).  The  victorious  little  army  marched 
from  the  camp  at  Bethsur  to  Jerusalem.  Here  a  sorry 
sight  met  their  eyes.  The  gates  to  the  temple  en- 
closure had  been  burned  and  through  the  blackened 
openings  could  be  seen  the  weeds  which  covered  the 
deserted  area;  while  here  and  there  heaps  of  stones 
from  the  broken  walls  and  the  demolished  chambers  of 
the  priests  completed  the  picture  of  desolation.  In 
humiliation  and  grief  the  people  cast  themselves  on 
their  faces  and  "cried  toward  heaven"  (I.  Mac.  iv. 
37-40).  Stationing  a  guard  to  protect  himself  against 
incursions  from  the  citadel,  Judas  set  about  the  cleans- 
ing of  the  sacred  enclosure,  selecting  "  priests  of  blame- 
less life  "  for  the  holy  work.  The  stones  of  the  pol- 
luted altar  of  burnt  offerings  were  pulled  down  and 
put  carefully  aside  "  until  there  should  come  a  prophet 
to  give  an  answer  concerning  them  "  (I.  Mac.  iv.  42- 
46) ;  and  everything  that  had  defilement  in  it  was  car- 
ried away.  A  new  altar  was  constructed,  the  broken 
walls  were  repaired,  and  new  vessels  were  provided 
for  the  holy  places.  At  last,  in  the  month  of  Decem- 
ber, 165  B.  c,  just  three  years  after  the  first  sacrifice 
had  been  offered  to  Olympian  Zeus,  "sacrifice  accord- 
ing to  the  law  was  offered  upon  the  new  altar  of  burnt 
offerings,"  and  the  hills  about  resounded  with  the 
praises  of  a  happy,  grateful  people.  Eight  days  were 
kept  as  a  glad  festival  much  after  the  manner  of  the 
Feast   of   Tabernacles,    and  the   time   was   fixed  for 


THE  RESTORATION  OF  THE   TEMPLE   SERVICE     35 

yearly  remembrance,  —  to  be  known  as  the  Feast  of 
Dedication,  and  afterward  as  the  Feast  of  Lights 
(I.   Mac.  V.  47-59;   II.  Mac.  x.  1-8). 

33.  Judaism,  realizing  afresh  its  worth  and  power, 
rejoiced  in  the  evident  favor  of  God,  and  strengthened 
itself  against  that  compromise  with  Hellenism  which 
had  thus  far  brought  upon  the  nation  pitiful  disaster. 
As  showing  a  quickened  sense  of  the  worth  of  those 
sacred  writings  which  Antiochus  had  attempted  to 
completely  destroy  (sect.  21),  the  tradition  imbedded 
in  II.  Mac.  ii.  14  is  worthy  of  notice :  "  And  in  like 
manner  Judas  also  gathered  together  for  us  all  those 
writings  that  had  been  scattered  by  reason  of  the  war 
that  befell;  and  they  are  still  with  us."  This  tradition 
is  found,  indeed,  in  a  spurious  letter,  but  its  only 
error  may  be  in  attributing  to  Judas  what  may  have 
been  undertaken  soon  after  his  death.  All  through  the 
account  of  the  temple's  restoration  are  hints  of  the 
care  with  which  all  taints  of  Hellenistic  heresy  were 
kept  away  from  the  sacred  undertaking.  The  way  of 
the  law,  beset  with  hardships  and  difficulties  as  it  had 
been,  was  the  only  way  of  blessing.  To  protect  the 
reconsecrated  enclosure,  Judas  built  about  it  walls 
with  strong  towers,  in  which  he  placed  guards.  That 
he  might  have  defence  against  further  attacks  from 
the  south  and  southwest,  he  fortified  Bethsur. 

34.  The  days  of  rejoicing  in  Jerusalem  proved  but 
a  brief  respite  from  the  stern  experiences  of  war.  All 
about  the  little  province  of  Judea  were  neighbors 
whose  usual  hostility  was  but  quickened  by  the  resto- 
ration of  the  temple  services.  Judas  was  now,  for  a 
time,  engaged  in  what  was  really  a  foreign  campaign. 
Proceeding  southward,  he  met  the  Idumeans  at  "the 


36    THE   MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Scorpion  pass,"  just  southwest  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and 
"gave  them  a  great  overthrow."  He  then  turned  his 
attention  to  the  "Sons  of  Baean,"  a  company  of  brig- 
ands on  the  southern  border,  and  punished  tliem 
severely.  Hastening  thence  across  tlie  Jordan,  he 
called  the  Ammonites  to  account,  and,  though  they 
had  gathered  a  large  force  under  Timotheus,  a  cer- 
tain Syrian  officer,  he  defeated  them  repeatedly,  and, 
having  taken  the  town  of  Jazer,  returned  to  Judea 
(I.  Mac.  V.  1-7).  He  had  no  sooner  reached  Jerusa- 
lem than  tidings  came  to  him  of  an  attack  upon  the 
Jews  in  Gilead,  which  news  was  followed  by  a  mes- 
sage of  a  like  attack  upon  his  countrymen  in  Galilee. 
It  was  an  anxious  time  for  all  Jews  dwelling  in 
heathen  territory,  and  Judas  felt  that  quick,  decisive 
measures  must  be  taken  or  many  thousands  would  be 
put  to  death.  Indeed,  many  had  already  perished.  A 
council  was  called  and  the  following  plan  adopted: 
Simon,  the  brother  of  Judas,  was  to  lead  three  thou, 
sand  men  into  Galilee;  Judas  and  Jonathan  eight 
thousand  into  Gilead,  while  Joseph  and  Azarias,  cap- 
tains of  the  people,  with  a  third  force,  were  to  guard 
Judea,  and  to  make  no  war  against  outside  peoples 
during  the  absence  of  Judas.  The  fifth  chapter  of  the 
First  Book  of  Maccabees  is  given  up  to  the  record  of 
these  expeditions. 

35.  Simon,  after  several  victories,  chased  the  enemy 
to  the  gates  of  Ptolemais  and  then  returned  to  Judea, 
bringing  with  him  the  Galilean  Jews  and  their  posses- 
sions. As  another  has  well  said,  "  it  was  no  trifling 
enterprise  on  which  Judas  embarked."  His  march 
involved  the  crossing  of  the  Jordan  cleft,  an  advance 
through  a  hostile  land  with  no  regular  base  of  sup- 


THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  JUDAS  IN  GILEAD  37 

plies,  and  strenuous  efforts  to  reach  the  widely  sepa- 
rated points  of  need.  It  was  all  accomplished  with 
the  same  dash  and  vigor  that  characterized  his  exploits 
in  Judea.  A  friendly  tribe  of  Nabateans,  falling  in 
with  him  on  the  third  day's  journey  from  the  Jordan, 
reported  the  desperate  situation  in  Bozrah.  This  city, 
located  sixty  miles  east  of  the  Jordan  and  on  the  old 
road  from  Damascus  to  Moab,  was  reached  by  a  forced 
march,  captured  and  completely  destroyed.  "  Nor  did 
he  stop  even  when  night  came  on,  but  pushed  on  to 
the  garrison  where  the  Jews  happened  to  be  invested 
and  where  Timotheus  was  besieging  the  place  with 
his  army  "  (Ant.  xii.  8,  3).  This  was  the  Dathema  of 
I.  Maccabees  v.  9.  Judas  arrived  just  as  an  assault 
was  being  made  and  prepared  at  once  to  relieve  the 
besieged;  but  the  name  of  "Maccabeus  "  was  enough. 
Hearing  it,  the  besiegers  fled  and  suffered  great  loss. 
The  towns  Alema,  Casphor,  Maked,  Bosor,  as  well  as 
others,  whose  sites  at  present  are  uncertain,  fell  before 
the  triumphing  progress  of  the  Jewish  forces.  The 
whole  campaign  was  a  brilliant  success. 

36.  For  the  same  reason  that  Simon  removed  the 
Jews  from  Galilee,  Judas  gathered  together  all  his 
people  in  Gilead  and  took  them  Avith  him  to  Judea. 
They  were  no  longer  safe  in  these  outlying  pagan  dis- 
tricts. While  he  was  returning  with  these  refugees,  a 
town  by  the  name  of  Ephron  refused  him  a  peaceable 
passage  through  its  streets.  At  once  commands  were 
given  to  halt  and  prepare  for  attack.  The  next  day 
the  host  marched  through  the  street  of  the  town  step- 
ping over  the  dead  bodies  of  its  inhabitants  (I.  Mac. 
V.  9-54).  It  is  not  strange  that  "they  came  into 
Judea  singing  psalms   and  hymns  as  they  went  and 


38    THE  MACCABEAN  PEEIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

indulging  in  such  tokens  of  mirth  as  are  usual  in  tri- 
umphs "  (Ant.  xii.  8,  6).  On  his  return,  Judas 
learned  that  one  part  of  his  plan  had  failed  through 
the  vainglorious  ambition  of  Joseph  and  Azarias. 
Wishing  to  make  for  themselves  a  name,  they  led  an 
attack  upon  Jamnia  and  were  defeated  with  consider- 
able loss  by  Gorgias,  who,  since  the  battle  at  Emmaus, 
had  remained  in  the  land  of  the  Philistines.  The 
writer  of  the  First  Book  of  Maccabees  sees  in  this 
defeat  the  just  reward  for  presumption  which  sought 
to  take  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Maccabees,  the  chosen 
of  God,  the  work  of  delivering  the  people  (I.  Mac.  v. 
62).  The  real  presumption  in  it  was  the  attempt  to 
meet  a  general  of  no  mean  ability  in  open  field.  Judas 
himself  would  never  have  attempted  that.  Both  suc- 
cesses, therefore,  and  defeat  gave  glory  to  the  Macca- 
bean  name,  so  that  "the  man  Judas  and  his  brethren 
were  greatly  renowned  in  the  sight  of  all  Israel  and 
of  all  the  heathen  wheresoever  their  name  was  heard  " 
(I.  Mac.  V.  63).  If  the  details  in  II.  Maccabees  xii. 
32-37,  are  trustworthy,  Judas  set  out  once  more  against 
Idumea,  probably  to  get  satisfaction  from  Gorgias,  the 
commander  of  this  region,  for  his  victory  at  Jamnia. 
He  seized  Hebron,  demolished  its  fortifications,  and 
nearly  secured  Gorgias  himself,  who,  just  escaping 
capture,  fled  to  Mareshah  (II.  Mac.  xii.  35).  Judas 
hastened  after  him,  and  by  taking  Mareshah,  became 
master  of  the  rich,  surrounding  district  including 
AduUam  and  the  valley  of  Elah.  Passing  on  down 
into  the  Philistine  plain,  he  fell  upon  Azotus,  the 
ancient  Ashdod,  and  left  its  idol  temple  and  altar  in 
smoking  ruins  (I.  Mac.  v.  68). 

37.    Judas  was   now  at  the   height  of  his   power. 


THE  DEATH  OF  ANTIOCHUS  EPIPHANES  39 

His  name  was  respected  at  Antioch  and  feared  in 
all  the  regions  around  Judea.  By  the  genius  of  his 
leadership  the  temple  worship  had  been  re-established, 
the  nation  inspired,  and  bright  hopes  for  the  future  of 
Judaism"  enkindled.  Suddenly  the  news  came  that 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  had  died  while  on  his  expedition 
in  the  far  East.  The  question  as  to  what  this  might 
mean  to  Judea  could  only  be  answered  as  further 
developments  at  the  Syrian  court  should  show  with 
whom  Judas  had  to  deal.  The  tidings  were  certainly 
of  the  deepest  interest  to  all  whom  this  arch-despot 
and  madman  had  oppressed.  No  better  evidence  of 
this  interest  can  be  found  than  in  the  different  inter- 
pretations of  his  death.  Polybius  thinks  it  was  a 
judgment  upon  him  for  attempting  to  plunder  the 
temple  of  Artemis,  —  the  last  act  of  his  infamous  life 
(Polyb.  xxxi.  2).  Josephus  scouts  this  idea,  declaring 
it  was  rather  because  of  his  sacrilegious  plundering 
of  the  temple  in  Jerusalem  (Ant.  xii.  9,  1).  Unques- 
tionably the  bitter  experiences  of  his  own  failure  and 
the  like  experiences  of  his  generals  in  Judea,  helped 
on  the  painful  illness  which  terminated  his  life  at  Taba 
in  164  B.  c. 

38.  Upon  his  death-bed  Antiochus  appointed  Philip, 
one  of  his  generals,  regent  in  his  empire  and  guar- 
dian of  his  son  (I.  Mac.  vi.  1-15).  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  Lysias  had  been  given  virtually  the  same 
position,  when  Antiochus  set  out  upon  his  eastern 
expedition  (sect.  29).  Trouble  was  inevitable,  such 
trouble  as  would  prove  fatal  to  the  strength  of  the 
Seleucid  kingdom.  Lysias  began  the  assertion  of 
his  rights  by  having  the  young  prince  crowned  as 
Antiochus  Eupator  (I.  Mac.  vi.   17).     At  the  same 


40    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

time,  Demetrius,  the  son  of  Seleucus  Philopator, 
brother  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  was  in  Rome,  where 
he  had  been  for  years  a  hostage,  begging  the  Romans 
to  recognize  his  claims  to  the  Syrian  throne.  In  the 
double  rivalry  which  these  names  —  Philip,  Lysias, 
Eupator,  Demetrius  —  represent,  "  the  last  convulsions 
of  the  kingdom,  which  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  years 
before  had  been  so  powerful,  had  now  begun.  In  the 
collapse  of  the  edifice  of  monarchy,  the  nation,  small 
though  it  might  be,  within  the  compass  of  the  realm, 
which  had  risen  up  with  so  much  energy  in  the  days 
of  its  strength  against  its  arbitrary  and  pernicious 
power,  might  well  secure  a  fragment  of  its  broad  lands 
to  rear  upon  it  a  new  state,  if  it  only  comprehended 
in  time  how  to  re-establish  and  maintain  the  spoils  of 
its  freedom  "  (Ewald). 

39.  To  the  keen  eye  of  Judas  the  critical  situation 
of  affairs  in  Syria  was  clear  enough.  Now  was  his 
time  to  advance.  The  citadel  in  Jerusalem  —  that 
Hellenistic  stronghold  in  the  very  centre  of  Judaism 
—  must  be  captured.  Since  the  rehabilitation  of  the 
temple  this  citadel  had  been  peculiarly  troublesome. 
Many  had  been  killed  on  their  way  into  the  temple  to 
offer  sacrifice  by  sudden  sallies  therefrom,  and  it  was 
always  a  menace  to  the  temple  itself  (Ant.  xii.  9,  3 ; 
I.  Mac.  vi.  18).  Judas  set  himself  resolutely  to  the 
formidable  task,  and  there  seems  to  have  been  good 
promise  of  success,  when  some  of  the  apostates,  escap- 
ing from  the  fortress  by  night,  hurried  to  the  king 
with  a  cry  for  help.  They  based  their  claim  to  succor 
on  the  fact  that  they  had  "left  the- religious  worship 
of  their  fathers  and  adopted  that  which  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  had  commanded  them  to  follow  "  (Ant.  xii. 


THE   SUCCESSFUL  ADVANCE   OF  LYSIAS  41 

9,  3).  Lysias  seems  now  to  have  realized  the  real 
strength  of  his  foe,  for  an  army  of  one  hundred  thou- 
sand footmen  and  twenty  thousand  horsemen,  together 
with  a  detachment  of  thirty-two  elephants  trained  for 
war,  was"  made  ready  to  go  to  Judea.  Accompanied 
by  the  young  king,  Lysias  led  these  forces  down  the 
eastern  coast  and,  ascending  from  the  southwest,  again 
took  his  position  at  Bethsur,  laying  siege  to  the  place 
for  many  days  (I.  Mac.  vi.  28-31).  The  Jewish  gar- 
rison fought  bravely,  but  the  overwhelming  force  was 
more  than  a  match  for  their  fierce  fighting,  and 
Bethsur  was  soon  invested.  Lysias  then  pushed  on 
northward  nine  miles  to  Bethzachariah,  w^here  Judas, 
having  raised  the  siege  of  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem, 
had  placed  his  camp.  This  spot,  identified  with  the 
modern  Beit-Sakariyeh,  commanded  all  the  approaches 
from  the  east,  west,  and  south  toward  Jerusalem.  "  It 
was  the  last  natural  line  of  defence  south  of  the  city 
and  one  which  could  neither  be  outflanked  or  masked, 
but  which  must  be  attacked  and  won  before  any 
advance  could  be  made "  (Conder).  The  imposing 
advance  of  the  great  army  arranged  in  singular  fashion 
about  the  elephants  as  centres,  deeply  moved  the  Jews 
(I.  Mac.  vi.  32-41);  but  they  had  faced  a  Syrian  army 
too  often  to  be  daunted  by  mere  appearances,  and  in 
the  first  attack  which  Judas  made,  six  hundred  of  the 
king's  men  were  slain.  Eleazar,  the  brother  of  Judas, 
thinking  he  had  discovered  the  elephant  on  which  the 
young  king  was  riding,  fought  his  way  single-handed 
to  the  beast,  crept  under  it,  and  inflicting  a  fatal  stab, 
was  himself  crushed  by  the  animal's  fall.  But  the 
utmost  bravery  and  daring  were  in  vain.  The  odds 
were  too  great,  and  Judas  was  forced  to  retreat,  or, 


42    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

as  the  record  in  First  Maccabees  mildly  puts  it, 
shrinking  from  the  statement  of  this  bitter  reverse, 
"turned  away  from  them." 

40.  At  some  time  in  the  midst  of  these  struggles 
appeared  that  proclamation  to  the  faithful  which  forms 
the  second  part  of  the  Book  of  Enoch,  chapters  Ixxxiii. 
to  xc.  In  two  visions  —  one  of  a  great  world-judg- 
ment (Ixxxiii.  to  Ixxxiv.),  and  another  of  the  history  of 
the  world  until  the  final  judgment  (Ixxxv.  to  xc.)  — 
the  seer  discovers  the  causes  and  issues  of  the  calam- 
ities that  have  come  upon  Israel.  By  means  of  apoca- 
lyptic symbolism,  — made  familiar  by  the  Book  of 
Daniel,  which  book  was  itself  a  constant  inspiration 
to  these  struggling  patriots,  —  man's  history  is  pic- 
tured under  the  forms  and  deeds  of  animals,  and  in- 
terest is  centred  upon  that  part  of  the  unfolding  story 
where  "small  lambs  were  born  from  the  white  sheep  " 
(xc.  6),  —  that  is,  where  those  who  loved  the  law  took 
firm  stand  against  the  Hellenizing  aims  of  many  of 
the  leaders  in  Israel.  The  coming  of  the  Syrians,  the 
uprising  of  the  faithful,  the  prowess  of  Judas  are  all 
successively  symbolized ;  and  then,  as  showing  that  the 
writer  knew  nothing  of  the  death  of  Judas,  the  vision 
becomes  prophetic  and  depicts  the  intervention  of  God 
himself,  who  will  uphold  Judas  against  all  his  enemies, 
terribly  punish  all  sinners,  set  up  the  New  Jerusalem, 
bring  back  the  dispersed,  raise  the  righteous  dead,  and 
lead  forth  the  Messiah  (xc.  15-39).  This  inspiring 
prophecy  gives  us  the  earliest  unquestioned  refer- 
ence to  the  Messiah  to  be  found  in  apocalyptic  litera- 
ture. He  does  not,  however,  transcend  the  human, 
but  is  gifted  with  that  perfection  and  power  that 
entitle   him   to  supremacy.      Upon  these   hopes   the 


THE  DELIVERANCE   OF   THE  JEWS  43 

brave  supporters  of  Judas  sustained  themselves  and 
fought  on. 

41.  Lysias  now  marched  unhindered  to  Jerusalem, 
relieved  the  citadel,  and  laid  siege  to  the  temple  en- 
closure. '  As  soon  as  the  defeat  of  Judas  at  Bethzacha- 
riah  was  accomplished,  Bethsur  capitulated,  and  the 
citizens  were  set  free  on  parole.  It  was  a  dark  hour 
for  Judaism.  Its  brave  struggles  seemed  now  des- 
tined to  utter  failure.  Added  to  the  presence  of  the 
heathen  army  in  the  land  was  a  scarcity  of  supplies, 
for  it  was  a  Sabbatic  year,  in  which  no  grain  had  been 
sown,  and  the  influx  of  Jews  from  Galilee  and  Gilead 
only  gave  pressure  to  the  need.  Many  of  the  be- 
sieged deserted,  and  the  bitter  end  seemed  near  at 
hand.  But  by  one  of  those  changes  which  confirm 
believing  men  in  their  faith  in  an  overruling  Provi- 
dence, the  whole  situation  was  suddenly  changed.  As 
if  God  would  say  to  his  people,  "  Your  trust  shall  not 
be  in  princes,  nor  in  brave  leaders,  but  in  me,"  the 
issue  was  made  to  depend,  not  upon  the  sagacity  of 
Judas,  nor  upon  the  bravery  of  his  soldiers,  but  upon 
the  rivalry  in  the  court  of  Antioch.  Forces  far  away 
from  Jerusalem  were  again  being  used  to  turn  the 
scales  and  place  upon  the  side  of  Judea  that  religious 
freedom  for  which  she  had,  indeed,  nobly  struggled. 

42.  While  he  was  before  the  walls  of  the  temple  area, 
news  came  to  Lysias  that  Philip,  with  the  army  of  Anti- 
ochus  Epiphanes,  was  marching  to  Antioch  "  to  assume 
the  government "  (I.  Mac.  vi.  36\  in  accordance  with 
the  dying  wishes  of  the  king.  Lysias,  unwilling  to  give 
up  the  honor  he  was  holding,  determined  to  return  at 
once  to  Antioch.  In  order  to  get  away,  he  offered 
the   Jews   peace,  guaranteeing   them,    if  they  would 


44    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

surrender,  the  liberty  "to  make  use  of  and  live  accord- 
ing to  the  laws  of  their  fathers  "  (Ant.  xii.  9,  7),  and 
the  preservation  of  the  temple  walls.  The  Jews  gladly 
accepted  these  terms  and  evacuated  the  temple ;  Lysias, 
after  violating  the  second  provision  of  his  guarantee, 
since  he  found  the  temple  securely  fortified,  marched 
away,  and  with  his  withdrawal  the  first  chapter  of  the 
history  of  the  Maccabean  struggle  comes  to  a  close. 
Never  after  this,  until  A.  d.  70,  did  the  continuance  of 
the  temple  worship  again  become  a  critical  question. 

43.  Henceforth  there  was  to  be  no  attempt  at  forc- 
ing Hellenism  upon  the  Jews.  The  struggle  between 
it  and  Judaism  was  to  go  on,  but  the  basis  of  conten- 
tion was  shifted.  It  now  appeared  more  prominently 
within  the  nation  itself.  Up  to  this  point  all  within 
the  lines  of  the  national  party  were  satisfied  with  the 
outcome  of  the  rebellion,  as  far  as  religious  questions 
were  concerned.  The  vital  requirement  was  religious 
freedom.     Conscience  had  triumphed. 


IV 

THE  LONG  CONTEST  FOR  POLITICAL  FREEDOM 

44.  "The  year  162  b.  c.  marks  the  proper  end  of 
the  religious  war  of  the  Jews.  Thereafter  conflict  was 
primarily  not  concerning  religion,  but  government." 
Such  is  the  text  which  the  strife  of  parties,  the  appeals 
for  foreign  support,  the  intervention  of  heathen  rulers, 
and  the  constant  unrest  within  the  borders  of  Judea 
must  now  help  us  to  interpret.  The  removal  of  the 
Syrian  army  left  the  two  great  parties,  the  Hellenistic 
and  the  National,  face  to  face,  with  all  their  old  differ- 
ences intensified  and  with  vital  questions  to  settle. 
The  first  of  these  questions  was  regarding  the  high- 
priesthood.  When  the  king  set  out  for  Antioch, 
Lysias  persuaded  him  to  take  with  him  Menelaus  the 
high-priest.  He  thus  aimed  to  provide  against  future 
disturbances  among  the  Jews,  for  this  Menelaus  had 
been  the  originator  of  all  the  mischief  which  had  re- 
quired armies  for  its  undoing.  Antiochus  V.,  thor- 
oughly distrusting  the  man,  sent  him  into  exile,  and 
soon  after  caused  him  to  be  put  to  death  (Ant.  xii.  9, 
7).  Alcimus,  a  man  of  Aaronic  descent,  but  a  leader 
in  the  Hellenistic  party,  was  appointed  to  his  place. 
With  Judas  at  the  head  of  affairs  in  Jerusalem,  he 
soon  found  that  he  had  a  title  without  an  office,  and 
retired  to  Antioch  to  await  further  developments. 
Judas  himself,  while  making  no  claim  to  the  high- 


46   THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

priesthood,  was,  if  we  may  trust  Josephus  (Ant.  xii. 
11,  2),  at  this  time  performing  its  duties,  and  he  would 
have  no  such  polluted  hands  as  those  of  Alcimus  minis- 
tering at  the  altar. 

45.  Meanwhile  startling  changes  had  been  in  pro- 
gress in  the  Syrian  court.  Antiochus  and  Lysias  were 
successful  in  their  contest  with  Philip,  but  soon  after 
the  latter's  death  the  fatal  hour  came  to  the  young 
king  and  his  general.  Demetrius,  eluding  the  vigi- 
lance of  the  Romans,  made  his  escape  from  Italy  and 
landed  at  Tripolis  on  the  Phoenician  coast  (II.  Mac. 
xiv.  1).  He  at  once  announced  his  purpose  of  becom- 
ing king,  and  receiving  the  support  of  the  Syrian  army, 
which  soon  after  his  arrival  declared  in  his  favor,  he 
"  entered  into  the  palace  of  his  ancestors  "  (I.  Mac.  vii. 
1,  2).     Antiochus  and  Lysias  were  put  to  death. 

46.  Before  this  new  king  appeared  Alcimus  and  the 
company  of  apostates  who  had  gathered  about  him  in 
Antioch.  They  made  it  appear  that  Judas  and  his 
brethren  had  not  only  been  oppressors  of  many  who 
like  themselves  had  been  driven  out  of  the  country, 
but  also  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  treason  toward  the 
king  in  putting  to  death  those  who  would  have  been 
his  supporters.  Demetrius  listened  readily  to  their 
complaints.  He  confirmed  the  appointment  of  Alci- 
mus and  delegated  Bacchides,  one  of  his  generals,  to 
see  that  Alcimus  was  installed  in  office,  and  that  the 
enemies  of  the  king  were  punished.  Once  more  the 
clouds  of  war  gathered  in  the  Judean  sky.  The  ap- 
pearance of  Alcimus  at  Jerusalem  brings  to  light  the 
first  trace  of  that  attitude  of  the  Hasideans  which  after- 
ward became  pronounced  and  pernicious  in  the  policy 
of  the  Pharisees.  >^It  is  difficult  to  understand  how 


THE  CRUEL  POLICY  OF  ALCIMUS  47 

many  of  them  could  have  listened  to  the  fair  words  of 
Alcimus  and  thus  have  been  led  to  accept  him,  unless 
it  was  that  their  satisfaction  with  the  religious  freedom 
which  had  been  given  them  put  the  matter  of  govern- 
ment ill  another  light,  and  caused  them  to  hesitate 
about  renouncing  a  legitimate  successor  to  the  office 
of  high-priest.  At  any  rate,  they  paid  dearly  for  their 
want  of  caution,  for  sixty  of  them,  probably  picked 
men,  were  at  once  put  to  death  in  direct  violation  of 
promises  of  protection.  Josephus  makes  Bacchides 
the  perpetrator  of  this  bloody  deed  (Ant.  xii.  10,  2). 
The  truth  of  the  matter  probably  is  that  both  he  and 
Alcimus  were  equally  concerned  in  it.  This  shameful 
and  malignant  treachery  struck  fear  and  trembling  into 
the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  turned  their  anxious 
faces  once  more  to  Judas  as  their  leader  and  protector 
(I.  Mac.  vii.  8,  18). 

47.  Bacchides,  leaving  behind  him  a  force  sufficient 
to  support  Alcimus,  now  returned  to  Syria.  He  halted 
long  enough  at  Bezeth,  probably  the  modern  Bezetha, 
to  seize  the  deserters  and  those  who  had  harbored 
the  fugitives  and  put  them  to  death,  and  then  he  left 
the  country  to  the  embittered  will  of  Alcimus  (I.  Mac. 
vii.  19,  20).  As  the  latter  could  not  put  foot  inside 
the  temple  enclosure,  he  was  virtually  only  a  civil  ruler 
in  the  land,  and  accordingly  he  devoted  himself  to 
making  his  high-priesthood  a  reality.  He  ingratiated 
himself  with  all  kinds  of  people  by  kindly  words  and 
agreeable  manners  until  he  had  gathered  a  considerable 
army  of  supporters,  whom  Josephus  characterizes  for 
the  most  part  as  "  wicked  and  deserters "  (Ant.  xii. 
10,  3).  With  these  he  travelled  up  and  down  the 
land,   murdering   and  destroying  whenever  he  could 


48    THE   MACCABEAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

lay  hands  upon  sympathizers  with  Judas.  In  the  mean 
time  Judas  himself  was  not  idle,  and  Alcimus  soon  dis- 
covered that  he  was  steadily  losing  in  a  kind  of  con- 
test in  which  his  opponents  were  more  skilled  than 
himself.  Matters  had  come  to  such  a  pass  that  Alci- 
mus and  his  men  dared  not. show  themselves  openly, 
and  there  was  nothing  left  for  him  to  do  but  to  appeal 
to  the  king  (I.  Mac.  vii.  21-25).  He  went  himself  to 
Antioch  and  so  ''exasperated''  Demetrius  against 
Judas,  that  Nicanor,  a  man  with  a  spirit  suited  to  his 
mission,  for  "  he  bare  deadly  hate  unto  Israel "  (I.  Mac. 
vii.  26),  was  sent  with  a  large  force  to  Jerusalem. 

48.  In  the  Second  Book  of  Maccabees  there  is  a 
curious  tradition  of  the  personal  love  and  admiration 
of  Nicanor  for  Judas.  He  could  not  bear  to  have 
Judas  out  of  his  sight,  entreating  him  to  marry  and 
give  up  his  unsettled  life.  The  tradition  goes  so  far 
as  to  say  that  Judas  actually  did  this,  and  that  Nicanor 
had  determined  that  Judas  should  be  the  successor  of 
Demetrius  (see  xiv.  22-26).  The  whole  account  is  so 
extravagant  that  it  stultifies  itself.  The  sober,  dis- 
passionate recital  of  the  First  Book  gives  us  the  real 
progress  of  events.  Nicanor  did  try  to  win  his  way  at 
first  by  treacherous  friendliness,  but  failed  through  the 
keenness  and  prudence  of  Judas.  His  only  remaining 
resource  was  battle,  and  the  engagement  took  place  at 
Capharsalama.  The  site  of  this  ancient  village  is  un- 
certain, but  it  was  probably  near  the  borders  of  Samaria, 
in  the  plain  below  Modein.  Nicanor  was  defeated  and 
fell  back  upon  Jerusalem,  where  he  could  have  the 
further  support  of  the  garrison  in  the  citadel.  As  he 
crossed  from  the  citadel  to  the  temple,  priests  went  out 
to  greet  him  and  tell  him  of  the  sacrific©  which,  as 


THE   DEATH  OF  NICANOR  49 

obedient  subjects  of  the  king,  they  had  offered  for 
Demetrius ;  but  the  defeated  Nicauor  was  in  no  mood 
to  receive  them.  He  ridiculed  their  sacred  duties  and 
threatened  to  destroy  the  temple  if  they  did  not  deliver 
up  to  him  Judas  and  his  men  (I.  Mac.  vii.  27-35).  This 
idle  threat  sent  the  priests  back  into  the  temple  to 
weep  and  pray  that  the  Lord  would  cause  this  blas- 
phemer to  perish. 

49.  Their  prayer  was  soon  answered.  Nicanor 
marched  northwest  to  Beth-horon  to  wait  there  for 
reinforcements  from  Syria.  Judas  took  his  position  at 
Adasa,  about  four  miles  north  of  Jerusalem,  and  at  the 
point  on  the  plateau  where  the  roads  from  the  north 
and  from  Beth-horon  come  together.  Like  that  of 
Bethzacharias,  the  place  could  not  be  easily  outflank^.^., 
and  proved  a  fine  vantage-ground.  Judas  had  three 
thousand  (Josephus  says  one  thousand),  and  Nicanor 
nine  thousand.  The  disparity  in  numbers  was  such  as 
had  more  than  once  only  nerved  the  Jews  to  fight 
with  more  determined  bravery.  On  the  morning  of  the 
thirteenth  of  Adar,  161  B.  c,  Nicanor  advanced  and 
the  hosts  joined  battle.  Tradition  has  sought  to 
glorify  the  splendid  victory  which  Judas  gained  by 
accounts  of  visions  which  came  to  him  before  the 
battle.  He  is  said  to  have  seen  the  noble  high-priest, 
Onias  IH.,  holding  up  his  hands  in  prayer  for  the 
nation,  and,  as  he  prayed,  there  stood  beside  him  a. 
majestic,  hoary-headed  figure,  Jeremias,  the  prophet  of 
God.  He  held  in  his  right  hand  a  sword  of  gold  which 
he  gave  to  Judas,  declaring  that  therewith  he  should 
wound  his  enemies  (II.  Mac.  xv.  12,  16).  In  the 
early  part  of  the  battle  Nicanor  was  killed,  and  before 
the  fierce  onslaught  of  the  Jews  th©  Syrians  gave  way 

4 


50   THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

and  fled.  As  the  soldiers  of  Judas  hurried  after  them, 
they  sounded  an  alarm  with  their  trumpets  to  call  the 
villagers  in  the  hill-country  to  help  in  cutting  off  the 
retreat.  All  the  way  from  Adasa  down  across  the  val- 
ley of  Ajalon  to  the  fortress  of  Gazara,  the  dead  of  the 
Syrian  army  lay  scattered  on  the  hillsides.  It  was  an 
overpowering  victory  remembered  ever  after  by  an 
annual  festival  on  "  Nicanor's  Day  "  (I.  Mac.  vii.  44- 
46).  The  taint  of  savagery  which  is  revealed  in  the 
order  of  Judas  to  cut  off  the  head  and  right  hand  of 
the  Syrian  general  and  to  carry  them  to  Jerusalem  to 
give  emphasis  to  his  defiance  of  the  citadel  is  quite  in 
accord  with  the  spirit  of  the  times  (II.  Mac.  xv.  31,  32), 
though  for  us  it  casts  a  shadow  over  the  noble  figure 
of  Judas.  It  certainly  was  a  ghastly  object-lesson  to 
his  enemies. 

50.  Once  more  for  a  little  while  the  land  of  Judea 
had  rest.  Judas  was  master  of  the  situation.  Could 
he  remain  so  ?  That  question  now  took  precedence  of 
all  others  in  his  thoughts.  Only  political  independ- 
ence could  guarantee  and  make  available  to  the  fullest 
degree  the  religious  liberty  which  had  been  acquired. 
There  was  no  hope  of  peace  from  the  Syrian  throne. 
Nicanor's  punishment  would  bring  another  army  upon 
them,  and  they  had  already  experienced  their  terrible 
weakness  when  Syria  really  put  forth  her  full 
strength.  There  was  one  power  whose  fame  was 
already  known  among  the  Judean  hills,  —  that  of 
Rome.  Already  it  had  proved  more  than  a  match  for 
the  power  of  Syria  in  the  famous  battle  of  Magnesia, 
190  B.  c,  and  ever  since  had  kept  a  watchful  eye 
upon  the  doings  of  the  Syrian  kings.  If  Judas  knew 
much  about  the  court  at  Antioch,  he  knew  that  more 


JUDAS'  EMBASSY  TO   ROME  51 

than  once  it  had  been  compelled  to  change  its  policy 
at  command  from  Rome.  There  was  no  real  friendship 
between  the  two  kingdoms.  Demetrius  himself  had 
run  away  from  Italy,  and  though  he  afterward  gained 
recognition  from  the  Romans  as  king,  yet  they  were 
ready  to  cripple  his  power  especially  by  such  means 
as  were  offered  through  division  of  interests  or  alli- 
ance with  subordinate  peoples.  All  circumstances  were 
favorable  for  an  appeal  to  the  great  western  power  for 
help.  Could  Judas  have  foreseen  what  this  appeal 
would  ultimately  mean  to  Israel,  as  a  prophet  of  old 
he  would  have  lifted  up  his  own  voice  against  it. 
Alas !  he  never  dreamed  of  the  coming  degeneracy  of 
his  own  family  and  of  those  internal  dissensions  which 
should  bring  the  Roman  governors  and  procurators  into 
closest  relations  with  the  destiny  of  the  nation. 

51.  Soon  after  the  battle  of  Adasa,  Judas  sent  two 
men,  Eupolemus  and  Jason,  as  ambassadors  to  the 
Roman  Senate,  with  instructions  to  make  a  league  of 
"  amity  and  confederacy  "  which  would  take  from  them 
the  Syrian  yoke  (I.  Mac.  viii.  17-18).  The  Senate 
gave  them  a  cordial  reception  and  sent  them  back  with 
a  treaty  inscribed  on  tablets  of  bronze  the  principal 
provisions  of  which  were  that  the  Jews  should  give 
help  to  the  Romans  and  the  Romans  to  the  Jews,  in 
times  of  war.  A  close  inspection  of  these  terms  brings 
out  the  fact  that  the  Romans  were  practically  left  to 
act  according  to  their  own  pleasure.  Indeed,  the 
course  of  events  will  show  us  that  the  Romans  did  not 
help  the  Jews  forward  on  the  way  to  political  inde- 
pendence so  much  by  direct  assistance  as  by  their 
interference  with  the  kingdom  of  Syria.  As  soon  as 
the  treaty  was  concluded,  word  was  sent  from  Rome 


52    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

to  Demetrius  to  stop  his  maltreatment  of  Judea,  and 
this  word  was  accompanied  by  a  threat  that  further 
complaint  against  him  would  bring  down  upon  him  the 
combined  forces  of  the  Roman  power  (I.  Mac.  viii. 
31,  32).  Such  seem  to  be  the  facts  in  this  disputed 
chapter.  Inaccuracies,  such  as  are  usual  in  this  book 
when  explaining  foreign  relations,  and  details  of  infor- 
mation, which  were  known  to  the  author  rather  than 
to  Judas,  have  cast  suspicion  upon  the  present  position 
of  the  chapter  in  the  book.  There  is,  however,  ade- 
quate reason  for  the  acceptance  of  the  fact  of  the  treaty 
itself. 

52.  It  was  a  long  journey  from  Jerusalem  to  Rome 
and  return.  Before  the  tidings  of  the  alliance  had 
reached  either  Antioch  or  Judea  sad  changes  had  come 
to  the  Jews.  The  defeat  of  Nicanor  aroused  Demetrius 
to  a  more  determined  effort  to  punish  Judas.  Bac- 
chides  was  ordered  to  proceed  against  the  rebels  with  an 
army  of  twenty  thousand  foot  and  two  thousand  horse. 
The  repeated  appearance  of  large  armies  began  to  wear 
npon  the  spirit  of  the  Jews.  The  Hasideans  also  had 
their  ardor  cooled  by  the  purely  political  nature  of  the 
struggle,  and  Judas  found  difficulty  in  keeping  about 
him  a  sufficient  force  to  offer  any  effective  resistance 
(I.  Mac.  ix.  6).  The  few  men  who  remained  faithful 
tried  in  vain  to  dissuade  him  from  battle.  He  would 
not  stain  his  honor  nor  theirs  by  flight,  and  though 
the  little  band  of  eight  hundred  men  fought  desper- 
ately all  day  and  won  some  successes,  the  issue  was  as 
had  been  feared.  Not  only  were  the  Jews  completely 
defeated,  but  Judas  himself  was  killed  (I.  Mac.  ix. 
7-18).  Under  a  flag  of  truce  his  dead  body  was  re- 
covered from  the  enemy  and  carried  to  the  village  of 


DISASTERS  FOLLOWING  THE  DEATH  OF  JUDAS     53 

Modein  for  burial.  Thus  perished  at  Eleasa  one  of 
the  bravest,  most  devoted  spirits  that  the  world  has 
seen.  From  the  day  that  Mattathias  called  him  to 
stand  with  him  for  the  law,  he  toiled,  suffered,  and 
fought  for  the  sacred  cause.  He  saved  the  nation  from 
destruction  and  wrested  from  the  strong  hand  of  Syria 
the  priceless  boon  of  religious  freedom.  His  death  was 
the  crowning  sorrow  of  those  few  years  which  had 
brought  mourning  into  many  a  Jewish  home,  and 
throughout  the  land  there  v/as  for  him  great  lamenta- 
tion (I.  Mac.  ix.  19,  20). 

53.  The  calamitous  battle  of  Eleasa  (Il'asa,  near 
Beth-horon)  was  fought  in  161  b.  c.  For  seven  years 
thereafter  persecution  kept  up  its  deadly  work.  Alci- 
mus,  who  had  come  with  Bacchides  from  Antioch, 
was  given  full  power  as  high-priest,  which  meant  that 
the  Hellenists  were  to  have  complete  freedom  of 
action.  With  what  zeal  they  exercised  their  new 
authority  may  be  learned  from  the  brief  statements 
in  the  First  Book  of  Maccabees,  where  it  is  recorded 
that  Bacchides  chose  "  the  ungodly  men,"  that  is,  men 
of  Hellenistic  sympathies,  and  made  them  lords  of  the 
country.  These  then  made  inquiry  and  search  for 
Judas'  friends,  and  brought  them  to  Bacchides,  who 
took  vengeance  upon  them  and  used  them  despitefully 
(I.  Mac.  ix.  25,  26).  To  the  horrors  of  persecution 
was  added  the  scourge  of  famine,  until  the  afflictions 
of  the  faithful  seemed  unparalleled.  Instinctively 
they  turned  to  the  family  of  the  Hasmoneans  for  lead- 
ership, and  selected  Jonathan  to  be  their  ''ruler  and 
captain"  (I.  Mac.  ix.  28-31).  He  was  a  different 
type  of  man  from  his  brother  Judas.  It  is  question- 
able how  far  he  could  have  succeeded  had  it  not  been 


54    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

for  the  differences  among  the  Syrians  themselves.  He 
was  crafty  and  diplomatic.  His  successes  were  those 
of  a  politician  rather  than  of  a  warrior,  though  he  did 
not  and  could  not  escape  the  disagreeable  duties  of  war. 
54.  Bacchides  was  particularly  anxious  to  get  hold 
of  every  member  of  the  noted  family  of  Mattathias  and 
at  once  directed  his  energies  toward  securing  Jonathan. 
The  latter  fled  into  the  wilderness  of  Tekoa,  sev- 
eral miles  southeast  of  Bethlehem,  and  made  his  en- 
campment about  a  reservoir  which  Josephus  names 
Asphar  (Ant.  xiii.  1,  2).  In  order  to  be  free  from 
the  impedimenta  of  his  army,  he  sent  them  under  the 
care  of  his  brother  John  to  the  Nabatheans  across  the 
Jordan.  The  camp-train  was  attacked  by  a  tribe  from 
near  Medeba,  and  John  was  killed.  To  avenge  this, 
Jonathan  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  afforded 
by  a  great  wedding  feast  in  this  same  tribe.  Coming 
suddenly  upon  the  joyous  procession,  he  put  as  many 
to  death  as  were  unable  to  escape  into  the  mountains. 
It  was  on  the  return  from  this  expedition  that  he  first 
met  Bacchides,  who  was  waiting  for  him  on  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  Jordan.  Ignoring  the  fact  that  it  was  the 
Sabbath  day,  and  realizing  the  desperate  situation  in 
which  he  was  placed,  Jonathan  advanced  to  the  attack, 
and  after  driving  back  the  Syrians  with  considerable 
loss,  escaped  with  his  followers  b}^  swimming  the 
Jordan  (I.  Mac.  ix.  33-49).  Bacchides  now  changed 
his  policy.  Instead  of  chasing  a  band  of  outlaws 
among  the  mountains  and  into  the  desert,  he  deter- 
mined to  coVer  the  land  with  secure  fortifications, 
whence  sallies  could  be  safely  made  against  the  Jews, 
and  to  take  the  sons  of  the  principal  Jews  as  hostages 
and  shut  them  up  in  the  citadel  in  Jerusalem.     Into 


THE  DEATH  OF  ALCIMUS  55 

such  strongholds  he  converted  Jericho,  Emmaus 
(Amwas),  Beth-horon,  Bethel,  Timnath  (Tibnath), 
Pharathoni  (Ferata?),  Tephon  (Teffeh),  Bethsur, 
Tekoa,  and  Gazara.  As  far  as  these  can  be  with  cer- 
tainty identified,  they  were  frontier  towns  and  consti- 
tuted a  strong  line  of  defence. 

55.   Bacchides,  by  this  one  move,  accomplished  more 
than  all  his  predecessors,  and  the  Hellenists  were  free 
to  act  as  they  desired.     Alcimus  was  at  the  head  of 
the  nation,  and  the  chief  interest  of  Demetrius  was  to 
secure  the  regular  payment  of  tribute.     At  this  time 
Alcimus  began  alterations  in  the  temple  which  sent  a 
wave    of  indignation   over  the  land.     He  took  down 
*'  the  wall  of  the  inner  court,"  and  thereby  effaced  the 
line  of  demarcation  between   the  "  sacred    enclosure 
adjacent  to  the  temple  and  the  outer  court  into  which 
Gentiles  had  been  always  admitted."    There  was  to  be 
no  longer  any  separation  between  Jew  and  Gentile  in 
the  worship  of  the  temple.     To  a  people  whose  chief 
glory  was  their  separateness  from  the  nations,  such  an 
act  was  climacteric  in  its  effrontery.    It  was  but  natural 
that  the  death  of  the  high-priest,  which  soon  followed, 
was   interpreted   as   Heaven's  own  judgment   on   his 
wickedness.     The  high-priest's  office  was  now  vacant 
and  remained  so  until  Jonathan  himself  —  strange  re- 
versal!—  was  appointed  to   it  by  Demetrius  in  the 
year  153  B.  c.      With  the  land  in  comparative  quiet 
and  with  no  high-priest  to  support,  Bacchides  felt  him- 
self under  no  necessity  to  remain  in  Judea,  and  so  re- 
turned to  Antioch.     For  two  years  the  land  had  rest. 
The  followers  of  Jonathan  were  doubtless  kept  away 
from  the  cultivated  country,  but  were  not  subject  to 
any  more  direct  form  of  persecution. 


56    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

66.  That  Jonathan  was  not  idle  during  this  time  is 
clear  from  the  episode  recorded  in  I.  Maccabees  ix.,  — 
the  only  bit  of  history  which  this  book  has  saved  re- 
specting the  years  160-153  B.  c.  We  have  no  details 
of  the  method  by  which  the  two  brothers  raised  again 
the  spirits  and  hopes  of  the  national  party;  but  the 
absence  of  an  active  Syrian  force,  and  diligent  effort 
on  the  part  of  those  whose  fidelity  to  the  law  was  un- 
swerving, brought  increasing  strength  to  Jonathan's 
standard.  It  is  also  not  unlikely  that  this  enlarging 
power  was  used  to  harass  the  Hellenists  both  in  Jeru- 
salem and  elsewhere.  At  any  rate,  they  saw  with 
apprehension  the  changing  situation  and  secretly  laid 
a  plan  before  Bac chides  by  which  he  could  get  posses- 
sion of  Jonathan  and  Simon  and  put  an  end  to  the 
movement  which  they  represented.  Bacchides  agreed 
to  the  plan  and  marched  with  a  large  force  into  Judea ; 
but  the  attainment  of  success  was  not  so  easy  as  it  had 
been  made  to  appear.  The  Syrian  general  seems  to 
have  expected  the  Hellenists  in  Judea  to  capture  Jona- 
than for  him,  and  because  they  could  not,  he  quietly 
put  fifty  of  their  leaders  to  death.  Jonathan,  mean- 
while, kept  thoroughly  informed  by  means  of  spies  and 
deserters,  fortified  himself  at  Bethbasi  (probably  Beth- 
hogla  at  the  northern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea),  and  was 
so  successful  in  circumventing  the  Syrians  that  Bac- 
chides, in  anger,  once  more  resorted  to  massacring 
those  who  had  misled  him,  and  then  resolved  to  raise 
the  siege  and  go  home.  His  disappointment  and  cha- 
grin made  opportunity  for  the  crafty  Jonathan  to  offer 
solace  and  at  the  same  time  to  further  his  own  inter- 
ests. He  proposed  to  Bacchides  a  dignified  way  of 
getting   out   of   an   unfortunate   venture ;    namely,  a 


THE  GROWING  INFLUENCE  OF  JONATHAN         57 

friendly  alliance  for  each  other's  good.  Bacchides  ac- 
cepted the  proposal  gladly,  and  after  an  exchange  of 
prisoners,  left  the  land  forever  (I.  Mac.  ix.  58-72). 

57.  A  new  order  of  progress  now  began  in  Judea. 
Jonathan  had  promised  to  make  no  war  against  Syria, 
and  the  Syrians  yet  remained  in  the  citadel  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  in  the  strongholds  on  the  frontier.  At 
Jerusalem  the  Hellenistic  party  was  in  control.  Jona- 
than, therefore,  selected  Michmash,  about  seven  miles 
north  of  the  capital,  as  the  centre  of  the  national  party. 
It  was  a  place  of  much  historic  interest  to  the  Jews, 
but  was  chosen  rather  for  its  security  than  for  past 
associations.  In  the  years  of  rest  that  succeeded,  the 
people  had  ample  time  to  reflect  upon  the  sufferings 
and  limitations  brought  to  them  by  the  party  which 
still  held  possession  of  Jerusalem.  The  constraint  of 
a  foreign  power  was  removed,  and  once  more  the  idea 
of  a  purified  nation  powerfully  appealed  to  them. 
Jonathan,  as  fast  as  he  gained  strength,  used  it  against 
the  apostates  (I.  Mac.  ix.  73),  and  thus  gained  com- 
pletely the  sympathy  of  the  zealous  Hasideans.  When 
the  story  again  opens  in  the  year  153  b.  c,  he  appears 
as  a  leader  recognized  by  the  S}Tian  court,  through 
whose  troubles  he  was  now  destined  to  make  unex- 
pected advancement. 


THE  ATTAINMENT  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

68.  In  Syria  *'  an  unparalleled  comedy  was  to  be 
played "  in  which  Jonathan  was  called  upon  to  take  a 
prominent  part.  A  young  man  from  Smyrna,  named 
Balas,  of  low  birth,  but  with  a  startling  resemblance 
to  Antiochus  Eupator,  announced  himself  as  also  a 
son  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  laid  claim  to  the 
throne  in  Antioch.  Attains  II.,  King  of  Pergamum, 
who  gave  to  the  young  pretender  the  name  of  Alexan- 
der, Ptolemy  Philometor  of  Egypt  and  Ariarathes  V. 
of  Cappadocia,  supported  his  claim.  He  gained, 
besides,  the  recognition  of  Rome,  which  was  ready  at 
any  moment  to  make  trouble  in  Syria  (Polyb.  xxxiii. 
16).  The  time  was  ripe  for  a  change  in  Syria  itself, 
for  Demetrius  had  become  a  miserable  drunkard  (Polyb. 
xxxiii.  14,  sect.  1),  and  had  alienated  his  own  people 
by  his  sloth  and  his  harsh,  overbearing  conduct. 
Accordingly,  when  Alexander  arrived  at  Ptolemais, 
the  soldiers  gave  the  town  into  his  hands,  and  the 
struggle  for  the  throne  began.  Demetrius  knew  only 
too  well  the  fighting  strength  of  the  Jews,  and,  in  his 
alarm,  one  of  his  first  projects  was  to  make  them 
his  friends.  Jle  despatched  ambassadors  to  Jonathan 
granting  him  the  right  to  assemble  troops  and  delivered 
into  his  hands  the  hostages  which  Bacchides  had  shut 
up  in  the  citadel.     Jonathan  went  to  Jerusalem  in- 


JONATHAN'S   APPOINTMENT  AS   HIGH-PRIEST       59 

vested  with  full  power,  and  improved  his  time  in 
fortifying  the  city  and  the  temple  mount.  With  the 
exception  of  those  in  the  citadel,  and  at  Bethsur,  all 
the  defenders  of  the  various  fortresses  fled  to  Antioch, 
and  Jonathan's  position  was  greatly  strengthened  (I. 
Mac.  X.  3-14).  This,  however,  was  but  the  beginning 
of  favors  that  came  very  near  making  Judea  completely 
independent.  Balas  heard  of  the  promises  of  Deme- 
trius and  also  of  the  quality  of  the  Maccabeans,  and, 
resolving  that  Demetrius  should  not  outbid  him,  he 
sent  messengers  with  a  letter  to  Jonathan  containing 
his  appointment  as  high-priest  and  with  a  purple  robe 
and  a  crown  of  gold,  insignia  of  his  future  princely 
rank.  Jonathan  accepted  them  all,  and  at  the  Feast 
of  Tabernacles  in  153  B.  c.  put  on,  for  the  first  time, 
the  vestments  of  the  high-priest  (I.  Mac.  x.  15-21).  He 
was  now,  indeed,  prince  of  Judea.  He  had  gained  at 
one  stroke,  and  with  no  effort  on  his  part,  what  Judas 
had  failed  to  attain  after  a  long,  brave  struggle.  He 
was  not,  however,  as  yet  complete  master  of  Judea. 
The  citadel  was  still  in  the  possession  of  his  opponents, 
and  the  taxes  had  not  been  remitted.  Nevertheless,  if 
he  could  maintain  himself,  he  had  made  a  long  advance 
toward  independence. 

59.  But  the  rivalry  for  Jewish  favor  was  not  yet  at 
an  end.  Demetrius  made  one  more  effort,  and  in  his 
promises  included  those  terms  which  would  have  made 
Jonathan's  independence  unquestionable ;  namely,  re- 
lease from  tribute,  surrender  of  the  citadel,  enlarge- 
ment of  territory,  and  endowment  for  the  expenses  of 
the  temple  service.  These,  together  with  other  offers, 
splendid  as  they  were,  Jonathan  and  the  people  de- 
clined,  because   of  deep   distrust   of  Demetrius.      It 


60    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

was  well  that  they  did,  for,  in  the  first  battle  between 
the  two  rivals,  Demetrius  was  defeated  and  slain 
(I.  Mac.  X.  22-50).  The  Hellenists  were  now  virtually 
silenced  and  the  security  of  Jonathan's  position  was 
demonstrated  by  the  coui^se  of  the  events  which  fol- 
lowed shortly  afterward  in  Ptolemais.  In  150  B.  c,  at 
the  time  of  the  wedding  of  Alexander  and  Cleopatra, 
the  daughter  of  Ptolemy  Philometor,  who  hoped  to 
gain  much  by  the  alliance,  Jonathan  was  a  highly 
honored  guest,  being  clothed  in  purple  and  made  to 
sit  beside  the  king.  Some  of  the  Greek  party  thought 
it  a  fit  time,  singularly  enough,  to  make  accusations 
against  Jonathan.  The  king  not  only  refused  to  listen, 
but  also  made  it  clear  that  no  one  to  whom  they  might 
complain  should  favor  them,  so  they  fled  from  the 
city.  Thereupon  Alexander  honored  him  with  the 
titles  of  "General  and  Governor  of  a  district,"  and 
Jonathan  returned  to  Jerusalem  to  spend  an  undis- 
turbed year  in  establishing  himself  in  his  suddenly 
acquired  powers.  At  the  end  of  that  time  he  was 
able,  upon  call,  to  place  ten  thousand  well-equipped 
men  in  the  field. 

60.  All  too  soon  the  king,  whose  unrighteous  claims 
Jonathan  had  supported,  exhibited  his  real  character. 
His  incompetency,  debauchery,  and  shamelessness  made 
him  detestable  to  a  large  number  of  his  subjects. 
Hence,  in  147  B.  c.  when  Demetrius  II.  appeared  on 
the  Syrian  coast,  as  a  rival  of  the  king,  Jonathan 
found  himself  the  only  foreign  supporter  of  the 
threatened  Balas,  and  his  fidelity  involved  him  almost 
immediately  in  trouble.  Apollonius,  the  governor  of 
Coele-Syria,  declared  for  Demetrius  and  was  appointed 
general  in  command  of  the  whole  coast  to  the  borders 


JONATHAN  AS  A  VASSAL  OF  BALAS  61 

of  Egypt.  Taking  up  his  position  at  Jamnia,  he  sent 
a  pompous  challenge  to  Jonathan  to  meet  him  in  the 
plain.  Jonathan  accepted,  took  possession  of  Joppa, 
where  Apollonius  had  placed  a  governor,  and  then 
marched  directly  southward,  it  seemed,  into  the  trap 
which  had  been  prepared  for  him,  for  one  thousand 
men  had  been  concealed  to  come  up  behind  him  as  he 
moved  southward,  and  cut  off  his  retreat.  The  plan 
seemed  well  made  and  promised  the  Syrians  a  victory, 
but  the  Jewish  troops  were  formed  into  a  square,  and 
all  day  long  stoutly  resisted  attack.  Toward  evening, 
Simon,  with  a  separate  detachment  kept  aside  for  the 
purpose,  fell  upon  the  wearied  troops  of  Apollonius 
and  sent  them  flying  in  panic-stricken  disorder  to 
Azotus.  Jonathan  followed,  set  fire  to  Azotus  and  its 
heathen  temple,  and  destroyed  a  large  part  of  the  Syrian 
force.  This  signal  victory  brought  him  not  only  much 
spoil,  but  also  from  the  grateful  Balas  a  golden  brooch 
for  fastening  his  cloak,  and  the  Philistine  city  of  Ekron 
with  its  territory  as  a  source  of  revenue. 

61.  Authorities  differ  as  to  the  motive  which  led 
Ptolemy  into  Syria  at  this  time.  The  author  of  First 
Maccabees  declares  that  it  was  an  ambitious  design  to 
get  possession  of  Alexander's  kingdom.  Josephus,  on 
the  contrary,  states  that  he  made  ready  his  land  and 
sea  forces  to  go  to  the  help  of  Alexander.  The  truth 
of  the  matter  is,  in  all  probability,  as  Diodorus  presents 
it,  that  upon  starting  he  had  an  honest  intention  of 
helping  his  son-in-law,  but  upon  learning  the  real  state 
of  affairs  after  his  arrival  in  Syria,  changed  his  mind. 
Whatever  its  motive,  his  defection  proved  fatal  to 
Alexander,  who,  in  the  battle  which  was  fought  near 
Antioch,   was    defeated,    and    Ptolemy  so    severely 


62    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

wounded  that  he  shortly  after  died.  Alexander  ended 
his  wretched  career  in  Arabia  by  the  hand  of  an  as- 
sassin, and  Demetrius  II.  became  king  in  145  B.  c. 
(I.  Mac.  xi.  1-19). 

62.  After  his  victory  over  Apollonius,  Jonathan 
felt  himself  warranted  in  attempting  the  removal  of 
that  thorn  in  the  flesh  of  Judaism,  —  the  citadel  in 
Jerusalem.  Elaborate  preparations  were  made,  and 
an  energetic  siege  begun,  when  reports  concerning  it 
were  carried  to  Demetrius  by  "certain  ungodly  per- 
sons who  hated  their  own  nation."  Ten  years  before 
this  time  the  tidings  would  have  been  sufficient  to 
have  brought  into  Judea  a  formidable  army.  Now 
Jonathan  was  summoned  to  Ptolemais  to  explain  his 
action.  Without  raising  the  siege,  Jonathan  obeyed, 
taking  with  him  not  only  an  embassy  of  elders  and 
priests,  but  also  a  goodly  supply  of  gifts.  In  some 
way  the  cunning  leader  won  completely  the  good-will 
of  Demetrius.  He  may  have  set  before  him  the  com- 
parative weakness  of  the  Hellenistic  party,  and  in  ad- 
dition reminded  him  of  the  valuable  services  he  had 
rendered  his  predecessors.  At  any  rate,  he  came  away 
with  far  more  than  the  pardon  of  his  offence.  Deme- 
trius confirmed  all  the  previous  honors  that  had  been 
given  him,  refused  to  listen  to  the  charge  of  the  Helle- 
nists, and,  adding  to  Judea  the  three  frontier  districts 
of  Samaria,  —  Ephraim,  Lydda,  and  Ramathaim,  —  ex- 
empted both  them  and  Judea  from,  tribute.  Jonathan 
promised  in  return  three  hundred  talents  (I.  Mac.  xi. 
22-28)  and  his  friendship.  In  these  successive  trea- 
ties with  Jonathan  two  facts  stand  out  with  increasing 
clearness,  —  the  growing  power  of  the  Jewish  state  and 
the    uncertain,   tottering    condition   of    the    Seleucid 


DEMETRIUS'  CONCESSIONS  TO  THE  JEWS  63 

dynasty.  Both  are  needed  to  explain  such  concessions 
as  these  just  made.  Ewald  sees  in  the  specification 
in  I.  Maccabees  xi.  34,  "for  all  such  as  do  sacrifice 
in  Jerusalem,"  —  a  defining  clause  which  really  allowed 
the  inhabitants  of  the  fortresses  to  remain  in  them  as 
before  (v.  331).  The  clause  seems  rather  to  refer  to 
exemption  from  taxes,  but  the  distinction  set  forth 
might  well  carry  with  it  the  implication  above  given, 
and  thus  account  for  no  express  mention  of  the  siege 
of  Acra,  the  real  occasion  of  the  conference. 

63.  Jonathan  had  not  long  to  wait  for  an  opportun- 
ity to  give  proof  of  his  friendship.  The  army  in  such 
a  kingdom  as  Syria  was  the  sovereign's  right  arm,  and 
short-sighted  indeed  was  the  ruler  who,  for  the  sake 
of  personal  indulgences,  or  for  civic  economy,  weakened 
its  power.  Demetrius  had  aroused  the  ill-will  of  his 
troops,  not  only  by  his  cruelty,  but  also  by  his  refusal 
to  pay  them  in  times  of  peace,  as  commanders  before 
him  had  done,  and  by  his  manifest  preference  for 
mercenaries.  All  this  a  certain  Diodotus,  surnamed 
Tryphon,  a  former  general  of  Alexander  and  a  traitor 
to  him  as  well,  reported  to  the  guardian  of  Antiochus, 
the  young  son  of  Alexander,  persuading  him  that 
he  could  make  the  boy  king  in  place  of  Demetrius 
(I.  Mac.  xi.  38-40).  While  Tryphon  was  absent  upon 
this  mission,  a  popular  uprising  in  Antioch,  having 
its  cause  likewise  in  the  hatred  of  the  people  for 
Demetrius,  made  the  king  a  prisoner  in  his  palace. 
The  news  of  the  growing  discontent  in  the  Syrian 
capital  led  Jonathan  to  suggest  to  Demetrius  what 
might  be  for  his  advantage  and  certainly  for  the  wel- 
fare of  Israel;  namely,  the  withdrawal  of  the  garri- 
sons from  all  the  fortresses  in  Judea.     Demetrius  was 


64   THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

ready  to  make  any  promise,  "for  he  lied  in  all  that 
he  spake  "  (I.  Mac.  xi.  53),  if  only  Jonathan  would 
help  him.  Tliree  thousand  troops  were  at  once  for- 
warded to  Antioch  and  arrived  just  in  time  to  de- 
fend the  king  against  the  rabble.  They  cleared  the 
streets  with  terrible  slaughter  and  compelled  the 
inhabitants  to  beg  for  mercy.  Demetrius  was  grate- 
ful, but  his  gratitude  did  not  prevent  him  from  shame 
lessly  repudiating  all  the  promises  he  had  made 
(I.  Mac.  xi.  41-53). 

64.  On  general  principles  any  Syrian  king  in  these 
times  could  ill  afford  to  break  faith  with  serviceable 
allies;  but  Demetrius  little  knew  his  own  particular 
extremity.  He  had  hardly  settled  down  to  enjoy 
the  dearly  bought  tranquillity  of  his  capital,  when 
Tryphon  appeared  with  Antiochus  "who  reigned 
and  put  on  a  diadem"  (I.  Mac.  xi.  54).  The  discon- 
tented troop  rallied  to  the  new  standard  and  the  days 
of  the  kingship  of  Demetrius  were  soon  numbered. 
In  his  first  battle  with  Tryphon  he  was  defeated,  and 
Antioch  passed  into  the  hands  of  Antiochus.  The 
young  king  confirmed  Jonathan  in  his  high-priesthood, 
as  well  as  in  the  governorship  of  Judea,  and  of  the 
new  districts  given  him  by  Demetrius  (sect.  62),  and 
sent  him  royal  presents  which  made  full  recognition 
of  the  dignity  and  value  of  his  leadership.  Simon, 
the  elder  brother,  was  made  military  commander  of 
the  king  from  the  Ladder  of  Tyre  down  to  the  borders 
of  Egypt.  Jonathan  espoused  the  cause  of  Antiochus 
with  enthusiasm  and  set  forth  to  bring  all  Palestine 
and  Syria,  as  far  as  Damascus,  under  his  control.  The 
trans-Jordanic  region  yielded  first,  and  then  Jonathan 
turned  to   Philistia.     Ascalon   readily  acknowledged 


THE  RULE  OF  JONATHAN  65 

the  new  king,  but  Gaza  refused  to  clo  so,  and  made 
necessary  a  siege  which  soon  brought  the  recalcitrant 
city  to  terms.  Both  cities  were  important  additions  to 
the  Syrian  alliance  (I.  Mac.  xi.  55-62).  By  this  time 
Demetrius  had  recovered  from  liis  first  defeat,  and  his 
generals  appeared  in  upper  Galilee  with  a  large  army 
intending  "  to  remove  Jonathan  from  office."  At  first 
it  seemed  that  they  would  be  successful,  for,  by  strat- 
egy at  Hazor,  west  of  Lake  Merom,  they  hemmed  the 
Jewish  forces  in  between  two  fires,  so  that  a  large  num- 
ber fled.  The  First  Book  of  Maccabees  states  that 
Jonathan,  Mattathias,  the  son  of  Absalom,  and  Judas, 
the  son  of  Calphi,  saved  the  day  by  withstanding  the 
enemy  (xi.  70).  Even  Josephus's  estimate  of  fifty  is 
an  exaggeration  of  bravery,  but  brave  the  Jews  cer- 
tainly were,  who  stood  their  ground  and  so  turned  the 
tide  of  battle  that  a  decided  victory  was  won  and  the 
Syrians  pursued  to  Kadesh.  Simon,  in  the  mean  time, 
was  also  successful  in  the  siege  of  Bethsur  in  which 
he  placed  a  Jewish  garrison  (I.  Mac.  xi.  63-74). 

Qb.  Seemingly  in  order  to  gratify  his  own  sense  of 
leadership  and  to  show  to  his  friends  and  enemies  alike 
his  relationship  to  foreign  powers,  Jonathan  now 
renewed  his  friendship  with  Rome.  He  sent  ambassa- 
dors also  to  other  places  for  the  same  purpose.  No 
material  aid  was  sought,  but  simply  that  confirmation 
of  the  good-will  of  earlier  days  that  would  dignify 
anew  his  rulership  in  Israel.  A  bit  of  Jewish  pride  is 
evident  in  the  statement  that  ''  none  of  these  things 
was  needed  "  (I.  Mac.  xii.  9)  on  the  part  of  Israel.  It 
was  only  another  way  of  expressing  their  feeling  that 
they  were  a  favored  nation  and  that  they  conferred 
rather   than   received   honor   in    entering   upon   such 


66    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

negotiations.  Both  Rome  and  Sparta  responded  cor- 
dially, especially  the  latter,  in  whose  letter  of  greeting 
was  the  claim  of  brotherhood  on  the  sui'prising  ground 
of  being  also  of  the  stock  of  Abraham  (I.  Mac.  xii. 
21).  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Jonathan,  as  Judas 
had  done  in  the  case  of  the  previous  embassy,  sent 
Jews  with  Greek  names;  and  it  is  also  remarkable 
that,  like  Judas,  Jonathan  did  not  live  to  see  the  return 
of  the  ambassadors. 

66.  Once  more  Demetrius  threatened  the  land  with 
an  invasion  and  Jonathan  hastened  northward  in  order 
to  keep  the  war  out  of  Ms  own  territory.  The  armies 
met  at  Hamath,  in  the  valley  of  the  Orontes,  but  there 
was  no  fighting,  for,  when  the  Syrians  learned  that 
their  plan  to  make  a  night  attack  had  been  discovered 
and  thwarted,  they  quietly  withdrew  under  cover  of 
their  camp-fires.  They  could  not  be  found,  though 
Jonathan  follov/ed  hard  after  them  the  next  day,  as  far 
as  the  river  Eleutherus,  —  an  old  boundary  between 
Palestine  and  Syria  (Strabo  xvi.  2,  12).  Turning  east- 
ward he  first  punished  the  Zabadeans,  a  robber  tribe 
in  the  Arabian  desert,  then  passed  by  the  way  of 
Damascus  southward  to  Jerusalem.  While  Jonathan 
was  in  the  north,  Simon  had  looked  after  the  fortresses 
in  the  south.  In  addition  to  placing  strong  garrisons 
at  Ascalon  and  Joppa,  he  erected  a  new  stronghold  at 
Adida  on  the  edge  of  the  Shephelah  hills,  w^est  of 
Lj^dda.  There  was  little  fear  after ,  these  preparations 
that  Demetrius  could  reach  Jerusalem  from  the  sea 
(I.  Mac.  xii.  24-U). 

67.  The  time  had  now  come  to  think  again  of  Jeru- 
salem itself.  Through  all  these  years  of  power  and 
expansion  the  hated  citadel  had  not  yet  been  subdued. 


THE  TREACHERY  OF  TRYPHON         67 

At  a  council  of  the  elders  it  was  voted  to  restore  the 
broken  walls  of  the  city  and  the  temple  area,  and  to 
build  in  the  city  another  wall  which  should  completely 
cut  off  the  citadel  from  the  Upper  Market.  The  pur- 
pose of  this  was  to  starve  the  garrison  into  surrender 
(I.  Mac.  xii.  35-37). 

68.  Jonathan's  power  had  reached  its  zenith,  when 
another  treacherous  scheme  in  Syria  involved  him  in 
its  toils  and  ended  his  life.  Tryphon  wished  to  be 
king  of  Syiia.  It  were  not  difficult  to  believe  that  this 
had  been  his  ambition  from  the  time  he  sought  out  the 
young  Antiochus.  Now  he  simply  unmasked  it.  One 
of  the  very  uncertain  factors  in  realizing  his  plan  was 
Jonathan,  who  was  a  friend  to  Antiochus,  and  who 
had  besides  much  more  to  fear  politically  from  Tryphon 
than  from  the  young  king.  Tiyphon  came  to  Bethshan, 
in  the  valley  of  Jezreel,  and  there  Jonathan  met  him 
with  an  army  of  forty  thousand  chosen  men.  It  is 
well  to  note  in  passing  what  an  index  this  large  army 
is  of  the  power  of  the  Judean  state.  Tryphon,  however, 
did  not  come  to  fight.  That  he  did  not  dare  to  do,  and, 
moreover,  it  was  the  man  he  wanted.  Hence  began 
that  course  of  treachery  about  which  the  only  surpris- 
ing feature  is  that  Jonathan  himself  did  not  recognize 
it.  Assurances  of  good-will,  generous  gifts,  the  prom- 
ise of  Pfcolemais  and  other  strongholds,  among  which 
was  included  the  citadel  at  Jerusalem,  and  a  continued 
friendly  alliance,  —  these  were  the  means  of  persuad- 
ing Jonathan  to  dismiss  all  but  one  thousand  of  his 
men,  who  were  to  accompany  him  to  Ptolemais.  It 
may  have  been  the  very  ambition  of  Jonathan  which 
blinded  him.  Besides,  this  was  not  the  first  time  that 
Ptolemais  had  been  offered  as  a  gift.     The  plot  sue- 


68    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

ceeded  all  too  well.  Upon  his  arrival  at  the  city  Jona- 
than was  made  a  prisoner  and  his  troop  massacred. 
Tryphon  then  attempted  to  destroy  another  detachment 
of  two  thousand  sent  by  Jonathan  into  Galilee.  In 
this  he  completely  failed,  and  the  news  was  carried  to 
Jerusalem  of  the  fate  of  Jonathan  and  his  men.  Natu- 
rally it  was  supposed  that  Jonathan  had  been  put  to 
death,  and  the  whole  land  was  in  mourning.  Through 
eighteen  years  he  had  enjoyed  and  constantly  strength- 
ened the  confidence  of  the  people  in  his  leadership. 
They  were  stricken  again  as  they  had  been  when  Judas 
was  taken,  and  the  excitement  and  satisfaction  which 
followed  the  news  of  this  calamity  in  ail  the  surround- 
ing heathen  districts  gave  evidence  of  his  strength  and 
worth  (I.  Mac.  xii.  39-53). 

69.  One  brother  of  the  Hasmoneans  was  left,  and,  in 
some  respects,  the  noblest  of  them  all,  —  Simon.  He 
was  older  than  Jonathan,  but  with  that  same  modest, 
self-sacrificing  spirit  which  marks  his  action  at  this 
serious  juncture,  he  had  subordinated  himself  to  Jona- 
than ;  while  in  both  civil  and  military  affairs  he  had 
had  wide  experience.  Seeing  the  need  for  immediate 
and  resolute  action,  he  called  the  people  together,  and 
in  a  speech  full  of  spirit  and  devotion  offered  himself 
as  leader.  This  was  done  with  no  vain  eagerness  for 
honor,  but  rather  with  a  sacrifice  of  self  to  the  needs 
of  his  people,  and  as  such  the  offer  was  recognized  and 
unanimously  accepted  (I.  Mac.  xiii.  1-9).  Simon's 
co-operation  with  his  brother  in  all  plans  of  national 
defence  and  expansion  made  him  ready  to  act  at  once 
with  the  highest  efficiency.  He  finished  the  work  at 
Jerusalem  and  sent  one  of  Ids  generals  to  take  complete 
possession  of  Joppa.     This  city,  hitherto  Gentile,  was 


THE  CAPTURE  AND  DEATH  OF  JONATHAN    69 

now  made  Jewish  territory,  and  thus  established  as  an 
effective  outpost  for  Jerusalem  (I.  Mac.  xiii.  10,  11). 
Tryphon  soon  discovered  that  he  had  not  materially 
furthered  his  cause  by  getting  possession  of  the  person 
of  Jonathan.  Simon  took  the  field  against  him  and  sta- 
tioned himself  at  Adida  to  oppose  his  advance  on  Jeru- 
salem. Now,  apparently  for  the  first  time,  Simon 
learned  that  his  brother  had  not  been  put  to  death,  for 
Tryphon  sent  messengers  offering  to  release  him  upon 
the  payment  of  an  hundred  talents  of  silver  and  the  de- 
liverance of  two  of  his  sons  as  hostages.  The  offer 
placed  Simon  in  a  very  trying  position.  On  one  side  he 
completely  distrusted  Tryphon,  and  on  the  other,  he 
feared  the  people,  if  he  appeared  to  liesitate  about  the 
deliverance  of  his  brother.  Accordingly  he  sent  the 
money  and  the  children,  and  the  issue  was  as  he  ex- 
pected, —  Jonathan  was  still  kept  a  prisoner.  Tryphon 
then  marched  southward  in  order  to  reach  Jerusalem 
from  Idumea  by  the  way  of  Adora  (Adoraim).  Simon 
kept  between  him  and  the  capital  and  at  the  same  time 
pushed  on  vigorously  the  siege  of  the  citadel.  Learn- 
ing, through  messengers  sent  to  him,  of  the  extremity 
of  the  besieged,  Tryphon  hurried  his  cavalry  to  their 
relief ;  but  a  heavy  fall  of  snow  frustrated  the  attack 
and  made  necessary  a  complete  change  of  plans.  He 
marched  southward  around  the  Dead  Sea  and  passed 
through  Moab  into  Gilead.  At  Barcama,  a  site  at 
present  unknown,  he  murdered  Jonathan  and  then 
returned  to  Antioch.  Again  the  people  were  plunged 
into  deep  grief,  and  Simon  but  expressed  their  appre- 
ciation of  the  lost  leader  and  his  family  when  he  carried 
his  body  to  Modein  and  erected  a  costly  monument  to 
their  memory  (I.  Mac.  xiii.  12-30). 


70    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

70.  Thus  perished  the  man  who  was  the  real  founder 
of  the  Maccabean  state.  It  is  only  by  casual  state- 
ments here  and  there  that  one  gathers  the  details 
which  picture  the  conditions  of  the  time.  Within  the 
life  of  the  nation  itself  religious  party-lines  were  being 
more  sharply  defined.  Many  of  the  nationalists,  driven 
by  the  actual  presence  of  an  enemy  in  the  land  into 
co-operation  with  the  Hasmoneans,  were,  nevertheless, 
out  of  sympathy  with  their  wider  aims.  Under  the 
leadership  of  Jonathan  the  Greek  party  had  been  in- 
creasingly limited,  and  the  great  leader  had  inspired 
such  confidence  in  himself  that  he  was  able  to  call  to- 
gether an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men.  The  changing 
situation  in  Syria  and  his  own  shrewdness  brought  him 
almost  within  reach  of  the  goal  of  all  his  striving,  — 
the  independence  of  Judea.  Had  he  lived  he  would 
certainly  have  realized  his  ambition;  but,  though  he 
himself  could  not  enter  into  this  "  promised  land,"  he 
had  so  far  unified  and  strengthened  the  people  that  it 
was  possible  for  them  soon  after  his  death  to  throw  off 
finally  the  yoke  of  Syria.  To  him  was  given  the  honor 
of  the  "  high-priesthood,"  making  the  Hasmoneans 
thenceforth  both  the  religious  and  civil  heads  of  the 
nation.  He  bequeathed  to  Simon  the  privilege  of  real- 
izing the  hope  of  all  his  service,  and  with  that  realiza- 
tion the  second  stage  in  the  history  of  the  Maccabeans 
is  reached. 

71.  Tryphon's  extremity  soon  proved  Simon's  oppor- 
tunity. Under  guise  of  a  surgical  operation  the  former 
had  Antiochus  put  to  death,  and  then  he  himself  as  king 
revealed  the  baseness  and  worthlessness  of  his  char- 
acter, alienating  both  the  soldiers  and  the  people.  Dem- 
etrius 11.   (Nicator)  was  thereby  strengthened  in  his 


THE  ATTAINMENT  OF  COMPLETE   INDEPENDENCE      71 

hope  of  recovering  supremacy.  As  the  antagonist  of 
Trjrphon,  Simon  sent  him  assurances  of  support,  pro- 
vided he  would  grant  in  return  freedom  to  the  Jews. 
Demetrius's  reply  is  given  in  full  in  I.  Maccabees  xiii. 
36-40,-  and  is  notable  in  these  particulars :  it  recog- 
nizes Simon  as  high-priest,  and  does  not  go  through 
the  empty  form  of  either  appointing  or  confirming  him ; 
it  renews  all  the  covenants  made  with  Jonathan  in 
145  B.  c. ;  and  it  removes  the  last  mark  of  Jewish  de- 
pendence, —  the  payment  of  the  tribute.  "  Thus  the 
yoke  of  the  heathen  was  taken  away  from  Israel  in  the 
one  huncbed  and  seventieth  year  "  (xiii.  41),  and  that 
year,  143  B.  c,  became  the  dating  point  of  a  new  era ; 
for  "  the  affection  of  the  people  to  Simon  was  so  great 
that  in  their  contracts  with  one  another  and  in  their 
public  records,  they  wrote  :  '  In  the  first  year  of  Simon, 
the  benefactor  and  ethnarch  of  the  Jews  ' "  (Ant.  xiii. 
6,  7;  I.  Mac.  xiii.  42). 


VI 

JUDAISM  IN   SYRIA  AWD  EGYPT 

72.  It  was  one  thing  to  bring  Hellenism  intc>  Judea ; 
it  was  quite  another  to  bring  the  Jews  face  to  face  with 
its  power  and  charm  in  the  great  capitals  of  Syria  and 
Egypt.  Both  Antioch  and  Alexandria  were  embodi- 
ments of  an  advanced  Hellenization.  Both  gave  to  the 
Jews  the  rights  of  citizens,  and  in  both  was  found  that 
broader  type  of  Judaism  wliich,  while  holding  to  the 
sacredness  of  the  law  and  the  necessity  of  the  temple- 
worship,  was  open  to  the  better  qualities  of  the  heathen 
life  about  it.  The  subtle  influence  of  daily  association 
took  the  edge  from  sharp  prejudice,  and  especially  in 
Egypt  conservatism  was  not  proof  against  the  energetic 
speculativeness  of  Greek  thought.  Unfortunately  data 
are  wanting  for  estimating  with  any  degree  of  fulness 
the  social  life  of  the  Syrian  capital.  As  compared  with 
Alexandria,  its  interest  in  literary  pursuits  was  meagre 
and  unproductive.  In  all  the  luxuries  of  life,  however, 
it  was  foremost.  Glimpses  which  are  given  us  of  the 
court  life  during  the  struggles  of  Judas  and  Jonathan 
reveal  a  dissoluteness  which  must  have  had  a  deadening 
effect  upon  the  city.  Enjoyment  was  the  main  occu- 
pation of  its  inha])itants  when  they  were  not  engaged 
in  the  repeated  quarrels  about  the  throne.  By  virtue 
of  the  rights  given  to  them  at  the  beginning,  the  Jews 
formed  a  separate  community  in  the  city  and  had  their 


THE  LIFE   OF  THE  JEWS   IN  ALEXANDRIA         73 

own  organization.  They  were  thus  apart,  while  still 
within,  the  circle  of  influences  which  modified,  in 
various  degrees,  their  inherited  conceptions.  In 
Antioch,  as  well  as  in  Alexandria,  they  profited  by  all 
the  opportunities  given  them  for  trade,  and  were  a 
thriving,  industrious,  well-to-do  class.  Their  syna- 
gogue was  one  of  the  ornaments  of  the  city.  They 
were  compelled  to  adopt  the  Greek  language  from  the 
very  necessities  of  their  environment  and  thus  had 
opened  to  them  the  literary  stores  of  Greece.  It  is 
this  double  relationship,  —  on  one  side,  to  that  j)art  of 
the  city  which  belonged  exclusively  to  them  as  Jews, 
and,  on  the  other,  to  the  city  at  large,  which  was  the 
embodiment  of  a  complex  social  and  religious  life,  — 
that  explains  both  the  tenacity  and  the  pliancy  of  the 
Judaism  of  the  dispersion. 

73.  From  time  to  time  in  the  unfolding  of  the  Mac- 
cabean  history,  our  attention  has  been  directed  to 
Antioch.  It  was  the  refuge  of  many  of  the  Hellenized 
Jews  who  were  compelled  to  fly  from  Judea.  There, 
too,  the  high-priest  of  the  Greek  party  found  an  eflicient 
supporter  in  the  occupant  of  the  Syrian  throne.  Antioch 
itself  had  many  sympathizers  with  the  broader  views 
of  the  Judean  Hellenists.  Certainly  this  was  the  case 
in  Egypt  which  was,  also,  at  this  time,  an  asylum  for 
refugees  from  Judea,  who  were  cordially  received 
because  of  the  faithful  support  always  given  by  the 
Egyptian  Jews  to  the  Ptolemaic  dynasty.  Among 
those  who  sought  safety  in  Alexandria  was  one  who 
was  destined  to  contribute  a  singular  feature  to  the 
Judaism  in  Egypt.  This  was  Onias  IV.,  the  son  of 
the  faithful  high-priest  deposed  by  Antiochus  Epiph- 
anes  and  afterwards  murdered  at  the   instigation  of 


74    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Menelaus.  Onias  was  a  mere  boy  when  he  reached 
Alexandria,  but  he  was  welcomed  as  only  the  descend- 
ant of  the  most  honored  family  in  Israel  could  be. 
Under  the  friendly  shelter  of  the  Egyptian  court  he 
conceived  the  idea  of  providing  for  the  Jews  in  Egypt 
a  tem]3le  which  would  have  at  its  head  the  rightful 
high-priest,  and  would  be  free  from  the  pollution  which 
had  desecrated  the  holy  place  in  Jerusalem.  Sanction 
for  this  bold  innovation  was  found,  not  only  in  the 
troubled  and  uncertain  conditions  in  Judea,  but  also  in 
a  prophecy  in  Isaiah  xix.  19  :  "In  that  day  shall  there 
be  an  altar  to  the  Lord  in  the  midst  of  the  land  of 
Egypt." 

74.  The  site  selected  was  that  of  an  old  temple  ruin 
in  the  district  of  Heliopolis,  near  the  city  of  Leontopolis. 
Permission  being  given  by  Ptolemy  to  build,  Onias 
erected  here  a  tower-like  structure  (J.  W.  vii.  10,  3) 
sixty  cubits  high,  and  surrounded  it  by  a  wall  of  brick 
with  stone  gateways.  There  is  nothing  in  the  form  of 
the  structure  which  shows  any  desire  to  imitate  the 
temple-building  in  Jerusalem.  Indeed,  the  only  exact 
copy  of  any  feature  of  the  Jerusalem  temple  was  the 
altar  itself  (J.  W.  vii.  10,  3).  Instead  of  the  seven- 
branched  candlestick,  "  a  single  lamp  hammered  out  of 
a  piece  of  gold  illuminated  the  place  with  its  rays  " 
(J.  W.  vii.  10,  3).  The  revenue  from  a  large  tract  of 
land  was  given  by  Ptolemy  for  its  maintenance.  A 
sufficient  number  of  priests  was  already  at  hand,  and  the 
regular  temple  service  was  established  and  maintained 
from  about  160  B.  c.  to  73  A.  D.,  when  the  temple  was 
closed  by  the  Romans.  To  this  period  ten  years  must 
be  added  if  Wellhausen's  view  that  the  temple  in  Egypt 
was  established  by  Onias  III.  in  170  b.  c.  be  accepted. 


THE  JEWISH  TEJVIPLE  AT  LEONTOPOLIS  75 

75.  Questions  at  once  arise  regarding  this  Egyptian 
temple,  not  all  of  which  are  easy  to  answer.  Had  the 
Hasmoneans  failed  and  the  Jerusalem  temple  been 
completely  destroyed,  Judaism  might  have  found  its 
central  point  of  interest  in  the  new  shrine  at  Leon- 
topolis,  but  the  Hasmoneans  did  not  fail.  Religious 
freedom  in  Judea  was  never  again  lost  after  it  was 
secured  by  Judas,  and,  within  only  a  few  years  after 
the  temple  service  began  in  Egypt,  Jonathan  put  on  the 
high-priestly  robes.  How  then  did  these  two  temples 
stand  related,  and  what  was  the  attitude  of  the  Jews 
in  Egypt  toward  the  temple  in  Jerusalem?  Josephus 
relates,  in  a  passage  which  must  be  regarded  with  some 
suspicion,  that  the  Jews  and  the  Samaritans  argued  in 
Ptolemj^'s  presence  ''  over  the  question  of  the  title  of 
the  temple  at  Jerusalem  and  of  that  on  Mount  Gerizim 
to  be  regarded  as  the  true  temple."  He  states  that  in 
this  dispute  the  Jews  of  Alexandria  were  "in  great 
concern  for  those  who  were  to  contend  for  the  temple 
in  Jerusalem,  for  they  took  it  very  ill  that  any  should 
try  to  take  away  the  reputation  of  their  temple,  which 
was  so  ancient  and  celebrated  all  over  the  world'' 
(Ant.  xiii.  3,  4).  There  was,  therefore,  no  lack  of 
veneration  on  the  part  of  the  Jews  in  Egypt  for 
the  time-honored  seat  of  worship  in  Jerusalem.  The 
actual  situation  seems  to  have  been  that,  while  they 
rejoiced  in  a  service  of  their  own,  they  readily 
acknowledged  their  obligations  to  the  re-established 
temple  worship  in  Jerusalem,  by  contributing  the 
regular  tax  assessed  upon  all  the  Jews  of  the  disper- 
sion and  by  making,  in  common  with  Jews  from  all 
lands,  pilgrimages  to  the  Holy  City. 

76.  The  reason  for  the  building  of  the  Egyptian 


76    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

temple    suggested    by   Josephus    in    his   Jewish   An- 
tiquities (xiii.  3,  1)  seems  nearer  the  truth  than  the 
motive  attributed  to  Onias   in  The  Jewish  War  (vii. 
10,  3).      The  new  temple  was  to  be  a   place    where 
the  Jews  of  Egypt  might  meet  together  in  harmony, 
rather  than  an  expression  of  the  high-priest's  wounded 
vanity.     It   was   set  up,  not   as   a  mere  rival  of  the 
Jerusalem    temple,   but    as    a   compensation   for   the 
crippled    and    profaned   worship   conducted   by   such 
high-priests  as  Jason,  Menelaus,  and  Alcimus.     Since 
prophecy,  as  popularly  interpreted,  specifically  pointed 
to  this  temple,  it  was  long  cherished  by  the  Jews  in 
Egypt.     At   Jerusalem   itself   it  was  never   regarded 
with  favor.     As   has   already  been  remarked,  it  had 
been  in  existence  for  several  years  before  the  regular, 
orderly  worship  of  the  Jerusalem  temple  was  restored 
under   Jonathan.     It   was   not   easy   to   condemn   its 
origin  when  the  circumstances  were  considered,  but  as 
Gratz  remarks :  "  The  pious  could  not  escape  a  certain 
discomfort  from  the  fact  that  the  Heliopolitan  temple 
was  in  itself  a  violation  of  the  law  of  worship,  and  out 
of  the  contradictory  feelings  toward  it  —  honor  in  its 
origin  in  the  stress  of  the  times  and  discomfort  over 
its  unlawful  existence  —  resulted  that  wavering  esti- 
mate of   it  which  is  expressed  in   the  laws   enacted 
regarding  it"  (iii.  36).     Philo,  who  greatly  honored  the 
temple  in  Jerusalem,  says   nothing    against  the   one 
in   Egypt,  such  regulations  as    prohibited  its  priests 
from  officiating  at  Jerusalem  being  of  later  origin.     In 
general   it  may  be  said  that,  while  it  never   attained 
any  real  importance  for  Judaism  as  a .  whole,    it  did 
tend  to  increase  the  separation  between  the  Jews  of 
Palestine  and  Egypt. 


THE   INFLUENCE  OF  GREEK  LIFE   AND  THOUGHT     77 

77.  Unlike,  then,  their  countrymen  dispersed  in 
other  lands,  the  Jews  in  Egypt  had,  in  addition  to 
the  regular  services  of  the  synagogue,  —  that  bulwark 
of  faith  for  the  thousands  who  were  away  from  Jeru- 
salem", —  the  regular  ritual  of  the  temple  service,  and 
yet,  despite  all,  "  the  genius  of  Egyptian  Judaism  was 
not  the  priestly  house  of  Onias,  but  the  royal  house  of 
Ptolemy."  The  liberal  and  enriching  policy  of  the 
Ptolemies  had  made  Alexandria  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  capitals  of  the  ancient  world,  a  royal  resi- 
dence, a  commercial  metropolis,  and  a  university  city, 
all  in  one.  The  tone,  the  variety,  and  the  stimulus 
in  its  life  awakened  and  fascinated  the  thoughtful 
minds  of  every  people  within  its  borders.  Here  were 
temples  to  different  divinities,  lecture  halls  for  the 
exposition  of  diverse  philosophies,  a  library  unequalled 
in  literary  treasures,  and  in  all  was  the  restless  activity 
of  scholars  and  teachers.  No  wall,  such  as  enclosed 
the  Jewish  quarter,  could  be  high  enough  to  shut  out 
the  power  and  influence  of  all  this  from  the  followers 
of  Moses,  earnest  and  devoted  though  they  might  be. 
Nor  did  it.  The  door  which  had  opened  Avide  the  way 
from  Jewish  seclusion  to  all  this  multiform  life  was 
the  Greek  language.  So  completely  had  the  Jews 
taken  this  as  their  medium  of  intercourse,  not  only 
with  the  outside  world,  but  among  themselves,  that 
they  required  a  translation  of  their  own  scriptures 
into  it,  which  was  known  as  the  Septuagint.  This 
noble  version  itself  reveals  the  influence  of  "  the  outer 
thought"  in  its  interpretative  translations  (Kent,  His- 
tory Jewish  People,  sect.  284). 

78.  Two  facts,  however,  need  emphasis  in  order  to 
make   clear   the   character   of  nearly  all   the  Grseco- 


78    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Jewish  literature  from  the  Septuagint  to  the  writings 
of  Josephus.  The  first  is  that  the  Jews  in  their  sepa- 
rate citj-quarter  maintained  rigidly  their  own  worship 
and  customs;  the  second,  that  in  Alexandria  phi- 
losophy first  came  into  contact  with  revelation.  The 
rights  and  privileges  given  the  Jews,  their  own  pros- 
perity^, due  to  industry  and  thrift,  and  their  worth  to 
the  ruling  powers  early  made  them  objects  of  jealousy 
to  the  Greeks  and  native  Egyptians.  Jealousy  sug- 
gested those  accusations  which  aimed  at  pouring  con- 
tempt upon  this  "  upstart  and  exclusive  "  people  who 
refused  to  share  in  the  worship  of  the  city  and  who 
were  limited  in  their  intercourse  with  the  rest  of  man- 
kind by  their  prohibitive  customs.  It  was  commonly 
reported  that,  as  a  people,  they  had  their  origin  in  a 
great  company  of  lepers  whom  a  certain  priest,  called 
Moses,  really  Osarsiph,  had  persuaded  into  adopting  a 
new  religion  which  he  offered  them.  Their  distin- 
guishing customs  were  defamed  and  construed  as  evi- 
dences of  a  real  hatred  toward  all  men  except  Jews 
(Against  Apion  ii.  15).  The  chief  framers  of  all  these 
attacks  were  the  Alexandrian  literati ;  and  it  was  both 
for  purposes  of  enlightenment  and  persuasion  that 
the  Jews  replied,  using  the  literary  form  of  their 
opponents  to  set  forth  the  antiquity  and  worth  of  their 
nation.  History  and  poetry  as  well  as  direct  argumen- 
tation were  employed  to  show  up  the  falsehood  of  the 
accounts  written  against  them. 

79.  Only  fragments  of  most  of  these  works  have 
been  preserved'  for  us,  but  they  are  sufficient  to  give 
us.  some  idea  of  the  extent  of  the  acquaintance  of  the 
Jews  with  the  literature  of  the  Greeks.  When,  in 
the  interest  of  their  cause,  they  can  appeal  to  early 


STUDY  OF   GREEK  LITERATURE  AND  PHILOSOPHY     79 

Greek  historians,  and,  further,  in  the  case  of  some, 
expand  their  narratives  so  as  to  make  them  more 
effective ;  when,  with  the  same  end  in  view,  they  can 
forge  verses  in  the  name  of  the  Greek  poets,  and 
finally  use  the  Sibyl  herself  as  a  means  of  substantiat- 
ing their  claims,  —  whatever  may  be  the  moral  quality 
of  the  defence,  it  certainly  reveals  more  than  a  super- 
ficial knowledge  of  Greek  literature.  Granted  that  all 
this  literature  was  read  with  an  apologetic  interest,  it 
nevertheless,  in  turn,  made  its  own  appeal  and  exerted 
its  own  influence.  The  Jews  were  thus  brought  face 
to  face  with  questionings  and  conceptions  that  were  at 
once  noble  and  profound,  and  their  self-complacency 
was  surprised  with  teachings  which  were  not  far  re- 
moved from  the  best  utterances  of  their  own  sacred 
books. 

80.  Especially  was  this  true  in  the  realm  of  philo- 
sophic thought;  where  the  great  questions  respecting 
God,  the  origin  of  the  world  and  the  soul,  and  the 
real  object  of  life  were  discussed  with  that  keenness 
and  care  which  would  awaken  the  deepest  interest  of 
the  Jew.  The  one  holy  and  almighty  God  of  his 
sacred  writings  was  the  Infinite,  the  one  Good,  the 
First  Cause  of  Greek  philosophy,  and  in  each  case  the 
realities  of  creation,  soul,  and  life  were  in  keeping 
with  the  conception  of  God.  Was  there  any  funda- 
mental relation  between  these  and  the  God  of  Genesis  ? 
Could  the  Hebrew  Jehovah  be  commended  to  the 
Greek  mind?  Were  the  institutions  of  Moses,  when 
properly  understood,  in  harmony  with,  the  teachings 
of  philosophy?  These,  or  questions  like  them,  gave 
an  impulse  to  that  earnest  endeavor  which  was  appar- 
ent in  Judeo-Alexandrian  thinking  from  the  time  of 


80    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Aristobulus  to  that  of  Philo,  —  indeed,  which  was  in 
operation  in  all  probability  from  the  very  beginning  of 
Hellenic  Judaism ;  namely,  the  reconciliation  of  phi- 
losophy and  revelation.  While  Judaism  in  Palestine 
was  fighting  its  way  to  political  independence,  there 
was  going  steadily  forward  that  process  of  amalgama- 
tion of  Jewish  conceptions  and  philosophic  interpre- 
tations which  reached  its  climax  in  Philo  Judseus. 

81.  Among  the  earliest  leaders  in  this  movement 
was  Aristobulus,  the  teacher  of  Ptolemy  Phiiometor. 
He  was  a  Jewish  priest,  and  there  is  no  good  reason 
for  doubting  that  he  is  the  one  addressed  in  II.  Mac- 
cabees i.  10,  as  ''  the  master  of  King  Ptolemeus." 
He  wrote  his  Explanation  of  the  Mosaic  Laws  for 
Ptolemy  himself  (170-150  B.  c).  Only  two  frag- 
ments of  the  whole  work  are  preserved  for  us  by 
Eusebius  in  his  Preparatio  Evangelica,  viii.  10  and 
xiii.  12.  The  aim  of  Aristobulus  was  to  show  that 
the  Greek  philosophers,  and  especially  the  Peripa- 
tetics, were  dependent  upon  the  laws  of  Moses  and 
upon  the  other  prophets  for  their  doctrines.  Years 
after  Philo  echoed  this  doctrine.  In  Aristobulus  we 
find  the  beginnings  of  that  method  of  allegorical  inter- 
pretation which  in  later  years  became  both  the  char- 
acteristic and  bane  of  Alexandrian  thinking.  He 
uses  it  to  explain  what  is  meant  when  the  Scripture 
says  that  God  has  hands,  arms,  face,  and  feet ;  that 
he  descended  in  fire  on  Sinai,  and, that  he  rested  on 
the  Sabbath  day.  The  attempt  to  get  behind  these 
forms  of  statement  to  what  was  actually  meant  by 
them  is  the  inevitable  tendency  of  reflective  minds. 
Much  that  Aristobulus  gives  in  the  way  of  interpre- 
tation would  now  find  ready  aooeptanoe.     It  is  only 


ALEXANDRIAN  JEWISH  WRITINGS  81 

when  the  allegorical  explanation  transmutes  facts  into 
the  airy  nothings  of  merely  ideal  relations  that  it 
becomes  fanciful  and  untrustworthy.  This  extreme 
is  once  and  again  exemplified  in  Philo.  Aristobulus 
seems  to  have  tried  to  give,  in  part  at  least,  a  sober 
explanation  of  the  Mosaic  law,  but  he  frequently  reveals 
his  Alexandrian  training,  as  when  he  appeals  to  Greek 
philosophers  or  poets  for  the  substantiation  of  his 
interpretations.  Verses  purporting  to  come  from 
Orpheus,  Hesiod,  and  Homer,  which  had  been  in  all 
probability  forged  in  the  interests  of  Jewish  claims, 
are  accepted  by  Aristobulus  in  good  faith.  Indeed, 
the  fragments  of  his  work  which  have  been  preserved 
to  us  illustrate  nearly  all  the  features  of  the  earnest 
attempt  made  in  Alexandria  to  harmonize  the  teach- 
ings of  the  Jewish  scriptures  with  the  best  concep- 
tions of  Greek  thought. 

82.  A  work  of  an  entirely  different  kind,  showing 
in  its  own  way  the  fusion  of  Jewish  and  Greek  con- 
ceptions, is  The  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  commonly  called 
The  Book  of  Wisdom.  It  is  the  classic  of  Judeo- 
Alexandrine  literature,  and  in  some  respects  the  most 
important  of  the  books  of  the  Apocrypha.  Its  Hel- 
lenistic character  is  revealed  not  in  its  allegorical 
interpretations,  —  although  these  are  to  be  found  in 
it,  —  nor  in  the  literary  form  in  which  the  truth  is 
presented,  for  its  form  follows  that  of  the  wisdom 
literature  of  the  Old  Testament.  It  is  rather  to  be 
seen  in  the  fact  that  its  broad,  noble  teachings  are 
given  a  richer  meaning  and  a  wider  application  by 
their  statement  in  terms  and  relations  suggested  in 
part  by  the  thinkers  of  Greece.  Interest  centres  in 
the  views  of  God,  man,  and  the  world,  which  are  th@ 

6 


82    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

result  of  the  modiflcation  of  Hebrew  thinking  by 
Greek  influences. 

83.  The  book  is  really  a  series  of  discourses  upon 
given  texts  (i.  1;  i.  12;  vi.  12;  ix.  18;  xi.  5),  and 
it  contains  passages  of  rare  eloquence  and  beauty  (see 
yii.  22  to  viii.  1).  Wisdom,  divine  and  human,  is  its 
theme ;  and  whether  it  speaks  of  it  in  its  relation  to 
God,  or  as  a  quality  of  human  life,  it  is  always  to 
glorify  its  worth  and  power.  In  its  divine  aspect 
Wisdom  is 

a  breath  of  the  power  of  God, 
And  a  clear  effluence  of  the  glory  of  the  Almighty ; 
Therefore  can  nothing  defiled  find  entrance  into  her. 
For  she  is  an  effulgence  from  everlasting  light, 
And  an  unspotted  mirror  of  the  working  of  God, 
And  an  image  of  his  goodness  ; 
And  she,  being  one,  hath  power  to  do  all  things  ; 
And  remaining  in  herself,  reneweth  all  things  (vii.  25-27). 

All  this  is  in  keeping  with  the  doctrine  of  Wisdom 
as  found  in  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  and  in 
Ecclesiasticus ;  but  it  also  marks  an  advance  upon 
their  teachings.  The  conception  of  the  nature,  sphere, 
and  operation  of  Wisdom  verges  upon  that  of  a  dis- 
tinct, intermediary  reality  between  God  and  the  world ; 
and  here  the  whole  doctrine  reveals  the  influence  of 
that  speculative  trend  which  culminated  in  the  Logos- 
teaching  of  Philo. 

84.  It  is  clear  that  there  is  no  separable  existence 
of  Wisdom  predicated,  but  only  such  a  setting  forth 
of  her  relation  to  God  as  constitutes  a  preparation  for 
the  later  revelations  of  the  New  Testament,  making 
some  of  the  terms  used  accurately  applicable  to  the 


THE  JEWISH  CONCEPTION  OF  WISDOM  83 

position  and  dignity  of  Christ  (Wis.  vii.  26  ;  Heb.  i.  3). 
In  one  instance  Wisdom  is  identified  with  the  Spirit  of 
God,  "  pervading  and  penetrating  all  things  by  reason 
of  her  pureness "  (i.  7 ;  xii.  1 ;  vii.  24)  ;  in  another 
with  the  Word  (ix.  1,  2),  and  in  another  vrith  the  di- 
vine Power  or  Justice  or  with  Providence.  Wisdom, 
in  whom  was  an  "understanding  spirit"  (vii.  22),  was 
the  architect  of  the  world,  and  that  too  out  of  "  matter 
without  form  "  (xi.  17),  —  a  statement  notable,  as  are 
others  in  the  book,  for  the  forms  of  expression  which 
have  been  taken  from  Greek  philosophy  and  used  to 
clothe  ideas  which  are  Jewish  in  substance.  This  re- 
veals again  the  place  which  this  book  occupies  in  that 
line  of  development  which  was  preparing  the  medium 
of  truth  for  the  revelations  of  the  truth  itself.  It  is  in 
a  sense  true  that  the  Greek  language  itself  would  not 
have  been  fully  ready  for  the  teachings  of  the  New 
Testament  had  not  Judaism  in  part  worked  out  its 
mission  in  Alexandria. 

85.  Inclusive  as  the  term  Wisdom  is  on  the  human 
side  in  the  earlier  Wisdom  books,  it  is  here  given  a  far 
wider  range.  A  knowledge  of  nature  which  is  the 
outcome  of  a  scientific  interest  in  her  factors  and  laws ; 
an  understanding  of  history  which  grasps  the  purpose 
lying  behind  its  ceaseless  succession  of  events  ;  a  com- 
prehension of  the  meaning  of  life  which  issues  from  a 
firm  belief  in  immortality  with  its  blessedness  or  woe, 
—  all  these  are  made  part  of  that  wisdom  which,  as  far 
as  man  is  concerned,  has  its  root  in  "  the  fear  of  the 
Lord "  and  its  sure  unfolding  through  communion 
with  him.  In  a  great  variety  of  ways  the  blessings 
which  she  will  confer  upon  man  are  set  forth.  She 
will  be  to  him  a  counsellor  in  good  things,  a  comfort 


84     THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

in  cares  and  grief,  a  source  of  honor  and  fame,  and, 
above  all,  a  means  of  gaining  immortal  life  (viii.). 
Without  her  man  is  only  "ignorant,  feeble,  sensuous, 
unspiritual." 

86.  It  has  with  truth  been  said  that  "the  book 
marks  the  liighest  point  of  religious  knowledge  at- 
tained by  the  Jews  in  the  period  between  the  close  of 
the  old  Testament  canon  and  the  beginning  of  the  Gos- 
pel dispensation."  Its  teaching  regarding  the  life  be- 
yond is  of  surprising  clearness  and  forc€  (v.  14,  15). 
Its  conception  of  God  has  in  it  the  light  of  such  truth 
as  this :  "  Thou  lovest  all  the  things  that  are  and  ab- 
horrest  nothing  which  thou  hast  made:  for  never 
wouldst  thou  have  formed  anj^thing  if  thou  hadst 
hated  it.  And  how  would  anything  have  endured  if 
it  had  not  been  thy  will,  or  been  preserved  if  not  called 
into  existence  by  thee  ?  But  thou  sparest  all :  for  they 
are  thine,  O  Lord,  thou  lover  of  souls"  (xi.  24-26). 
Its  doctrine  of  the  soul  is  moulded  by  teachings  foreign 
to  the  Old  Testament.  "  The  immortality  of  the  soul," 
a  phrase  neither  Judaistic  nor  Christian,  but  virtually 
Platonic,  expresses  exactly  its  hope  for  the  future. 
The  body  is  a  weight  and  perishable.  The  pre-existent 
soul  came  into  it  and  at  last  shall  be  freed  from  it  as 
from  a  prison  (viii.  20;  ix.  15).  There  is  no  trace  of 
a  teaching  of  the  resurrection  of  the  body  in  the  book. 
Wisdom  saves  the  soul,  bringing  it  at  last  to  the  in- 
effable glory  of  God's  own  presence.  Such  in  merest 
outline  is  the  character  of  this  remarkable  book.  To 
faithful  Jews  in  trial  and  depression  it  brought  the 
richest  comfort  and  hope.  To  those,  whether  Jews  or 
Gentiles,  who  went  the  way  of  ''folly,"  it  spoke  its 
solemn  warnings,  and  commended  with  zealous  earn- 


THE   SIBYLLINE   ORACLES  85 

estness  the  blessings  of  Wisdom  both  for  this  life  and 
the  life  to  come. 

87.  About  the  time  when  the  name  of  Solomon  was 
used  to  commend  "  the  Wisdom  which  saves  "  to  all 
who  would  receive  it  and  especially  to  heathen  rulers, 
another  striking  method  was  employed  to  reach  the 
minds  and  hearts  of  the  Gentiles.  The  Sibyl,  that 
strange,  exceptional,  semi-divine  prophetess  of  the  will 
of  the  heathen  gods,  was  made  to  speak  for  and  about 
the  chosen  people  and  by  her  message  to  win  men  to  the 
faith.  It  was  a  clever  device.  The  mystery  attached 
to  the  whole  activity  of  the  Sibyl,  and  the  fact  that  her 
oracles  were  commonly  kept  carefully  guarded,  only 
added  to  the  interest  of  such  words  as  could  be  heard 
or  read.  The  Sibylline  Oracles,  which  are  "  Jewish 
and  Christian  works  under  a  heathen  mask,"  are  con- 
tained in  fourteen  books  of  widely  different  dates  and 
of  varied  authorship.  They  have  no  inner  connection, 
and  extend  far  down  into  the  Christian  period.  That 
part  of  them  which  came  from  Egypt  and  the  period 
under  consideration  is  found  in  Book  III.,  which  may 
be  reasonably  dated  about  140  B.  c.  The  Sibyl  speaks 
in  hexameters  and  in  the  language  of  Homer. 

88.  Beginning  with  line  ninety-seven,  where  this 
third  book  really  commences,  a  rapid  review  of  man's 
history  is  given  from  the  building  of  the  tower  of 
Babel  to  the  rise  of  the  Romans  (97-161).  At  this 
point  prophecy  begins  and  its  word  is  concerning  the 
Graeco-Macedonian  and  Roman  kingdoms,  and  con- 
cerning the  sovereignty  of  the  people  of  God,  who 
shall  come  to  power  after  the  seventh  king  of  Helle- 
nistic origin  shall  have  ruled  over  Egypt.  The  vision 
of  the  rulership  of  Israel  and  of  the  attendant  judg- 


S6    THE   MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

ment  of  evil  nations  leads  the  seer  to  sketch  the  char- 
acter and  history  of  the  Jewish  people  from  the  exodus 
to  the  time  of  Cyrus  (162-294).  Then  follow  declara- 
tions of  judgment  and  disaster  which  are  to  come  to 
various  nations  and  cities,  and  against  the  darkness  is 
thrown  the  bright  promise  of  Messianic  prosperity  and 
peace  (295-380),  Once  more  the  stern  word  of  judgment 
is  uttered  against  various  peoples  of  the  Hellenic  world, 
and  then,  after  the  prediction  of  a  great  final  judgment, 
follows  the  promise  of  a  Messianic  kingdom  and  glory 
(380-807).  This  third  book  is  itself  a  collection  of 
disconnected  oracles.  They  have,  how^e\er,  one  com- 
mon purpose,  and  this  is  seen  in  the  earnest  admoni- 
tions against  idolatry  and  the  repeated  exhortations  to 
come  Avithin  the  range  of  the  promises  made  to  God's 
chosen  people.  By  history  and  prophecy  alike  the  cer- 
tainty of  judgment  upon  the  ungodly  is  made  clear,  and 
the  bright  hope  of  the  days  of  the  Messiah  is  given  all 
possible  attractiveness  that  it  may  win  men  to  Israel's 
faith.  Never  before  had  the  Sibyl  sj^oken  a  message 
w^hich  made  such  an  appeal  to  the  highest,  truest  in- 
terests of  men.  The  Judaism  of  Alexandria  in  its 
contact  with  the  thought  of  the  world  had  by  no 
means  lost  its  earnest  spirit  or  its  saving  faith. 


VII 

TIT7:   HAPPY  DAYS   OF   SIMON's   REIGN 

89.  Shokt  as  was  the  rule  of  Simon,  it  was  never- 
theless marked  by  a  brilliancy  that  completed  the 
glory  of  the  Maccabean  house.  Though  his  hair  was 
gray  when  the  full  responsibilities  of  leadership  were 
put  into  his  hands,  his  glowing  zeal,  unremitting 
energy,  and  clever  diplomacy  succeeded  in  achieving 
the  independence  for  wliich  Jonathan  and  he  had  long 
toiled  and  fought.  To  be  sure,  Demetrius  had  given 
him  rights  and  powers  which  seem  of  little  value  when 
one  thinks  of  the  giver  as  an  exiled  king ;  but  Simon 
acted  as  though  they  had  come  to  him  from  the  throne 
itself  and  lost  no  time  in  securing  their  full  actualiza- 
tion. The  troubles  of  Syria  itself  left  him  free  to 
attend  to  the  needs  of  his  own  government.  The  first 
requirement  was  complete  possession  of  his  dominions. 
Gazara,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  and  commanding 
the  road  from  Joppa  to  Jerusalem,  Bethsur,  menac- 
ing the  road  from  the  south,  and  the  citadel  in  Jeru- 
salem, were  yet  held  by  the  Hellenists.  In  order  to 
secure  an  open  road  to  the  coast  and  make  most  ser- 
viceable the  port  of  Joppa,  Simon  turned  his  attention 
first  to  the  siege  of  Gazara.  By  means  of  a  movable 
tower  the  place  was  quickly  brought  to  terms.  After 
the  inhabitants  were  driven  out  and  the  city  purged 
of  all  traces  of  heathenism,  Simon  placed  in  charge 


88    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

"such  men  as  would  keep  the  law,"  and  strengthened 
its  fortifications.  Next  Bethsur  yielded,  and  then,  at 
last,  the  citadel  at  Jerusalem,  which  had  so  long  been 
closely  besieged.  By  the  help  of  the  wall  which  Jona- 
than had  built  (sect.  67),  the  garrison  was  starved 
into  surrender.  It  is  not  difficult  to  imagine  the 
rejoicing  in  Jerusalem  on  that  day  in  May,  142  b.  c, 
when  "  with  thanksgiving  and  branches  of  palm-trees, 
and  with  harps  and  cymbals,  and  with  viols  and 
hymns  and  songs "  the  festal  procession  entered  the 
old  fortress  that  for  twenty-six  years  had  disturbed 
the  peace  of  the  city.  For  a  time  the  day  of  this 
triumph  was  annually  kept  as  a  festival  (I.  Mac.  xiii. 
43-48). 

90.  Simon  was  now  in  possession  of  all  the  strong- 
holds of  Judea.  Owing  to  the  apparent  disagree- 
ment between  the  statements  of  First  Maccabees  and 
Josephus,  there  is  some  doubt  as  to  what  was  actually 
done  with  the  citadel.  Josephus  declares  that  Simon 
razed  the  fortress  to  the  ground  and  then  levelled  the 
hill  on  which  it  stood,  so  that  the  temple  should  never 
again  be  in  danger  of  an  attack  from  a  commanding 
elevation.  Three  years  of  constant  labor  were  re- 
quired to  complete  this  task,  which  materially  changed 
the  aspect  of  the  city,  since  the  cuttings  from  the  hill 
were  used  to  fill  in  the  valley  lying  between  it  and  the 
temple  mount  (Ant.  xiii.  6,  7;  J.  W.  v.  4).  The 
reasonableness  of  Josephus's  version  is  evident;  but 
the  work  of  destruction  could  not  have  been  under- 
taken immediately  after  the  capture  of  the  citadel,  for 
Simon  retained  the  fortress  as  one  of  his  defences  in 
the  city,  keeping  there  a  garrison  of  Jewish  soldiers 
(T.  Mac.  xiv.  37).     It  is  probable  that  the  work  was 


THE   WISE   POLICY  OF  SIMON  89 

done  later  in  Simon's  time,  and  that  Joseplius's  account 
is  a  sort  of  summary  of  the  policy  of  Simon  in  regard 
to  Jewish  strongholds.  If  this  is  not  the  true  expla- 
nation, the  account  of  Josephus  is  unhistorical,  and 
the  whole  work  belongs,  as  Schurer  maintains,  to  the 
reign  of  another  ruler.  The  significant  fact  was  the 
capture  of  the  citadel.  When  this  was  accomplished, 
Simon  stood  at  the  zenith  of  Jewish  triumph.  The 
Hellenists  were  compelled  to  seek  refuge  in  Alexan- 
dria or  Syria,  unless,  indeed,  they  quietly  accepted 
the  new  conditions.  Those  who  would  neither  flee 
nor  submit  were  put  to  death.  Appointing  his  son 
John,  "a  valiant  man,"  captain  of  all  his  hosts,  Simon 
devoted  his  attention  to  the  management  of  the  civil 
and  religious  affairs  of  the  nation.  The  brief  sen- 
tences of  First  Maccabees  present  a  picture  of  the 
internal  condition  of  Israel  at  this  happy  time.  At 
the  head  of  the  nation  stood  a  man  whose  wise,  benefi- 
cent counsels  were  ever  for  its  good.  This  fact  is 
really  the  explanation  of  the  whole  record  that  follows, 
which  glorifies  this  leader.  It  is  easy  to  understand 
how  it  could  be  said  that  "his  reign  was  one  of  the 
liappiest  periods  ever  experienced  in  Israel." 

91.  The  port  which  Judea  held  at  this  time  had 
only  recently  come  into  her  possession.  Even  though 
Jonathan  had  taken  Joppa,  the  ugly  fortress  of 
Gazara  in  the  Shephelah  hills,  had  made  the  trade 
route  to  the  sea  unsafe.  Now  the  road  was  open,  and 
Simon  made  it  one  of  his  first  duties  by  extensive 
improvements  to  prepare  the  harbor  for  intercourse 
with  "the  isles  of  the  sea."  A  basis  was  thus  estab- 
lished for  a  maritime  trade,  and  Judea  invited  to  her 
borders  the  commerce  of  the  Mediterranean.     Wher- 


90    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

ever  and  whenever  he  heard  of  Jewish  captives,  he 
redeemed  them  from  prisons  and  strange  cities  and 
restored  them  to  their  native  land.  They  came  back 
to  the  qniet  and  rest  of  peace  under  which  the  land 
itself  was  renewed  by  the  hand  of  the  husbandman 
and  of  the  vine-dresser.  The  rocky  hills  of  Judea 
soon  tell  the  tale,  either  of  neglect  or  of  cultivation. 
War  had  made  them  desolate.  Now  the  terraced  hill- 
sides and  the  fruitful  valleys  once  more  gave  their 
increase.  The  whole  picture  reminds  the  Jewish 
historian  of  that  description  from  the  prophet  in  which 
the  blessings  of  the  Messianic  times  are  set  forth. 
Old  men  sit  in  the  streets  communing  together  of 
good  things,  and  the  young  men  display  in  pardonable 
pride  the  equipment  of  the  soldier,  —  heroes,  indeed, 
in  the  villages  and  towns  to  which  they  had  come  back 
from  "the  wars."  There  is  no  fear  in  the  village 
street,  for  the  land  is  free.  "Every  man  sits  under 
his  vine  and  his  fig-tree,  and  there  is  none  to  make 
them  afraid."  Those  who  had  suffered  in  the  rigor  of 
days  gone  by  were  especial  objects  of  Simon's  care, 
and  so,  too,  all  who  were  now  oppressed.  The  day 
of  blessing  was  for  those  who  had  been  faithful  to  the 
law;  while  he  who  despised  it  or  neglected  it  was 
"taken  away."  Life  throughout  the  land  was  full  of 
joy;  and  when  the  people  went  up  to  the  temple,  they 
saw  there  also  the  beneficent  work  of  their  leader,  for 
"he  beautified  the  sanctuary  and,  multiplied  the  ves- 
sels needed  in  its  service"  (I.  Mac.  xiv.  4-15). 

92.  It  is  hot  strange  that  the  people  were  ready 
to  express  in  formal  decree  their  appreciation  of  the 
noble  results  that  had  been  achieved.  In  September, 
141  B.  c,  in  the  third  year  of  Simon's  reign,  a  great 


THE   HONORS  PAID  TO   SIMON  91 

assembly  of  the  priests,  leaders,  and  people,  which 
was  held  in  the  great  court  of  the  temple,  resolved 
that  Simon  should  be  civil  governor,  military  chief,  and 
high-priest  "  forever  until  there  should  arise  a  faithful 
prophet."  The  honor  was  complete;  it  included  the 
headship  of  all  the  spheres  of  national  activity,  and  it 
made  the  exalted  office  hereditary.  Simon,  by  the  will 
of  the  nation,  was  virtually  placed  in  the  position  of 
sovereign.  It  will  be  understood  that  he  had  exer- 
cised all  these  powers  hitherto.  He  now  received  the 
formal  sanction  of  the  people  with  the  additional  right 
to  hand  down  these  honors  to  his  children.  As  a 
mark  of  the  exalted  character  of  his  leadership,  it  was 
further  decreed  that  all  contracts  should  be  made  in 
his  name,  and  that  he  should  "be  clothed  in  purple 
and  wear  gold."  These  decrees,  accompanied  by  a 
review  of  Simon's  services  to  the  nation,  were  en- 
graved on  tablets  of  brass  and  placed  in  a  conspicuous 
place  in  the  temple.  It  is  doubtful  if  ever  before 
such  honor  was  given  by  the  Jews  to  one  of  their 
rulers.  It  marks  the  climax  in  the  career  of  the  Mac- 
cabees (I.  Mac.  xiv.  25-49). 

93.  The  reign  of  Simon  was  characterized  by  two 
important  political  acts,  —  his  embassy  to  Rome  and 
his  coinage  of  money.  The  light  of  after  events 
makes  the  repeated  appeals  of  the  Maccabees  to  Rome 
seem  like  a  fatal  hallucination ;  but  their  policy  is  to 
be  judged  rather  in  the  light  of  the  times.  Certainly 
Syria  was  a  constant  cause  of  anxiety,  and  the  only 
power  whose  authority  was  recognized  and  feared  by 
her  was  that  of  Rome.  Simon,  therefore,  followed  in 
the  footsteps  of  his  brothers  in  seeking  to  draw  the 
Romans  into  closer  bonds  of  friendship.     He  sent  an 


92    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

embassy  headed  by  Numenius  to  ask  confirmation  of 
the  league  made  with  them  in  earlier  days,  and,  as  a 
token  of  good-will,  they  carried  with  them  "a  great 
shield  of  gold  of  a  thousand  pound  weight."  The 
mission  was  in  every  way  successful.  After  courteous 
treatment  of  them,  the  Senate  placed  in  their  hands  a 
decree  granting  all  that  they  sought.  Letters  were 
sent  to  Egypt,  Syria,  Pergamum,  Cappadocia,  and  to 
many  small  independent  states  and  cities,  warning 
them  against  making  war  upon  the  Jews,  or  ever 
assisting  those  who  might  engage  in  hostilities  with 
them,  and  commanding  them  to  give  up  all  fugitives 
to  Simon,  to  be  punished  in  accordance  with  the  Jew- 
ish law.  Copies  of  these  letters  were  sent  to  Simon. 
Holtzmann  calls  our  attention  to  the  fact  that  we  have 
here  the  first  great  attempt  to  restrict  the  blending  of 
the  Jews  with  the  nations  among  which  they  were  dis- 
persed, on  the  ground  of  a  jurisdiction  which  per- 
tained to  them  as  well  as  to  those  in  Judea,  and  which 
was  to  be  recognized  by  foreign  peoples.  Not  only  a 
religious  but  also  a  legal  bond  was  to  hold  them  in 
inseparable  connection  with  the  fatherland  (Geschichte 
des  Volkes  Israel,  ii.  378).  The  recognition  by  the 
Romans  made  more  evident  the  unity  of  this  widely 
scattered  people,  and  at  the  same  time  gave  a  Jew  in 
foreign  lands  a  new  sense  of  dignity.  Thus  was  the 
light  of  the  bright  days  of  Simon's  administration 
reflected  upon  the  Jews  in  all  lands  (I.  Mac.  xiv.  24; 
XV.  15-24). 

94.  The  other  distinctive  feature  of  Simon's  reign, 
the  coinage  of  money,  is  first  referred  to  in  the  letter  of 
Antiochus  of  Syria  to  Simon,  asking  his  help  toward 
the  regaining  of  his  throne,  140-139  B.  c.  (I.  Mac. 


THE  COINAGE   OF  MONEY  BY   SIMON  93 

XV.  6).  The  right  of  making  coins  was  generally  rec- 
ognized in  antiquity  as  a  mark  of  sovereignty.  This 
privilege,  therefore,  gave  new  emphasis  to  the  inde- 
pendence of  Judea.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that 
Simon  coined  money  before  he  was  offered  the  privi- 
lege by  Antiochus.  This  he  did  for  only  one  year, 
but  the  act  shows  clearly  his  own  conception  of  his 
position.  Of  this  coinage  there  are  extant  silver 
shekels  and  half -shekels,  with  the  words,  "  Shekel  of 
Israel "  on  one  side  around  a  cup  or  chalice,  and  on 
the  other  the  words,  "Jerusalem  the  Holy,"  about  a 
central  device  which  is  interpreted  as  Aaron's  rod. 
Their  dates  range  through  five  years  of  Simon's 
leadership,  141-140  to  137-136  B.  c.  The  fact  that 
Antiochus,  soon  after  the  granting  of  the  privilege  of 
coining  money,  "broke  all  the  covenants,"  left  Simon 
to  act  largely  on  his  own  responsibility  in  regard  to 
the  coinage.  Thus  with  all  the  marks  of  a  king,  save 
the  name,  Simon  ruled  in  Israel.  There  could  be  no 
king  again  until  the  Messiah  should  come,  but  this 
governor,  this  prince  in  Judea,  could  ask  no  larger 
recognition  than  was  given  him.  For  a  few  years  these 
peaceful  conditions  continued,  but  Syria  was  too  near 
and  her  internal  discords  too  constant  to  allow  a 
lengthened  respite.  Once  more  came  the  call  to  war. 
95.  After  his  alliance  with  Simon,  Demetrius  II., 
in  order  to  get  help  against  Tryphon,  made  an  expedi- 
tion into  the  East.  The  Parthians  had  overrun  the 
eastern  provinces  of  the  Syrian  kingdom  and  were 
detested  by  the  inhabitants,  who  already  had  sent 
several  embassies  to  Demetrius,  asking  him  to  come 
and  lead  them  against  their  common  enemy ;  but  the 
first  promise  of   success  was,  at  length,  lost  in   the 


94    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

capture  of  Demetrius  through  treachery  in  138  b.  c. 
During  this  time  Tryphon  had  held  possession  of 
Syria,  though  Cleopatra,  the  wife  of  Demetrius  II., 
had  maintained  her  husband's  cause  at  Seleucia.  Now 
that  he  was  a  prisoner  in  Parthia,  she  invited  An- 
tiochus,  the  brother  of  her  husband,  who  was  named 
Sidetes  from  a  town  in  Pamphylia,  where  he  had  been 
brought  up,  to  join  with  her  in  driving  out  Tryphon. 
He  consented  so  fully  as  to  make  himself  at  once  the 
claimant  of  the  Syrian  throne.  At  this  point  the  his- 
tory again  touches  that  of  Judea,  for  Antiochus  made 
advances  to  Simon,  confirming  him  in  all  he  had  re- 
ceived, and  promismg  still  greater  honors  if  he  would 
support  him.  Two  thousand  men  were  sent  to  help 
in  the  siege  of  Dora,  on  the  coast  just  below  Carmel, 
but  so  completely  had  the  tide  of  affairs  turned  against 
Tryphon  that  Sidetes,  though  he  had  taken  provisions, 
declined  to  receive  the  troops  and  broke  faith  with 
Simon.  His  sudden  success  led  him  to  the  determi- 
nation to  bring  Judea  again  into  submission.  Accord- 
ingly he  sent  a  certain  Athenobius  to  Jerusalem, 
demanding  the  surrender  of  Joppa,  Gazara,  and  the 
citadel,  or  in  lieu  of  them  five  hundred  talents  of 
silver,  and  another  five  hundred  for  payment  of  dam- 
ages and  tribute. 

96.  Simon's  reply  was  brief  and  pointed.  The 
most  he  would  allow  was  one  hundred  talents.  In 
anger,  Sidetes,  as  soon  as  he  was  relieved  of  Tryphon, 
sent  an  army  into  Judea.  Cendebeus,  the  general  of 
this  force,  took  his  position  near  Jamnia  and  began 
a  war  of  petty  inroad  along  different  routes  leading 
out  from  his  encampment.  The  exasperated  Simon 
committed  the  task  of  punishing  this  bad  faith  and 


THE  MURDER  OF  SIMON  95 

insolence  to  his  two  sons,  Jonathan  and  Judas,  and 
faithfully  they  executed  it.  The  Syrian  army  was  so 
disastrously  defeated  that  Antiochus  did  not  again  in 
Simon's  lifetime  attempt  an  invasion. 

9T.  This  episode  shows  how  near  Judea  was  to 
trouble  and  danger.  Any  disaffection  within  her  own 
borders  was  sure  of  sympathy  in  Antioch,  while  the 
undefined  relation  of  her  government  to  that  of  the 
Syrian  court  mad'e  her  the  tempting  object  of  every 
successful  adventurer's  cupidity.  It  is  probable  that 
the  fruitless  expedition  of  Cendebeus,  and  the  treach- 
ery at  Jericho  of  Ptolemy,  the  trusted  son-in-law  of 
Simon,  were  due  to  a  suggestion  of  Antiochus  to 
the  effect  that  the  removal  of  Simon  would  be  looked 
upon  in  Antioch  as  a  highly  meritorious  deed.  The 
hope  of  support  and  reward  from  the  Syrian  court 
alone  explains  how  such  a  shameless  traitor  as  Ptolemy, 
the  son  of  Abubus,  could  murder  his  honored  and 
generous  father-in-law  and  defy  the  nation.  It  cer- 
tainly was  a  kind  of  attack  against  which  Simon  could 
in  no  way  prepare  himself,  and  unsuspectingly  he 
went  to  the  banquet  which  Ptolemy  had  prepared  for 
him  at  Docus,  a  stronghold  near  Jericho.  The  aged 
ruler  was  on  one  of  his  tours  of  inspection  through 
the  country  and  took  with  him  to  Docus  his  two  sons, 
Mattathias  and  Judas.  In  the  midst  of  the  banquet 
they  were  all  murdered. 

98.  A  fitting  close  to  this  noble  life  would  have 
been  a  quiet  death  amid  the  happy  conditions  which 
he  had  done  so  much  to  bring  about;  but  this  was 
denied  him,  as  it  had  been  to  Judas  and  Jonathan. 
With  the  account  of  his  death  the  First  Book  of  Mac- 
cabees comes  to  a  close.     It  has  carried  us  through 


96    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  heroic  struggles  of  Mattathias  and  of  his  stalwart 
sons;  from  Modein  to  Jerusalem;  from  the  decree  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  devoting  the  Jews  to  extermi- 
nation unless  they  would  become  apostates,  to  the 
decree  which  made  the  last  of  the  Maccabean  sons 
the  prince  of  Israel ;  from  the  threatening  ascendancy 
of  Hellenism  to  the  supremacy  of  Judaism.  It  has 
also  faithfully  given  us  the  shadow  touches  in  the 
whole  picture,  so  that  we  are  not  left  to  strange  sur- 
prise in  the  later  unfoldings  of  Judean  history.  The 
points  of  possible  reaction  are  not  concealed.  Like 
some  noble  tree  in  the  splendor  of  its  summer  foliage, 
at  whose  heart  forces  are  working  which  shall  bring 
its  stately  form  to  the  ground,  so  stood  Judea  in  the 
glory  of  Simon's  reign,  but  within  her,  too,  were 
forces  destined  to  work  her  disaster. 


VIII 

TEREITOEIAL  EXPANSION  UNDER   JOHN  HYECANUS 

99.  It  was  part  of  Ptolemy's  nefarious  plan  to  take 
the  life  of  John,  the  third  son  of  Simon,  and  com- 
mander in  Gazara;  but  a  timely  warning  saved  the 
prince  to  a  long  and  distinguished  leadership  in  Judea, 
135-105  B.  c.  John,  known  by  the  name  of  Hyr- 
canus,  has  often  been  compared  to  Solomon  in  the 
character  of  his  reign,  and,  in  two  particulars  at  least, 
the  comparison  is  striking;  namely,  in  the  extent  of 
the  kingdom  over  which  he  reigned,  and  in  the  sharp 
antithesis  of  his  strong,  peaceful  rulership  to  the  times 
of  trouble  and  unrest  which  preceded  and  followed  it. 
The  same  deed  that  made  him  ruler  deprived  him  of 
father,  mother,  and  two  brothers,  and  ranked  him  as 
the  foe  of  Antiochus  Sidetes;  but  the  blood  of  the 
Hasmoneans  was  in  his  veins  and  he  had  been  trained 
by  one  who  knew  how  to  govern  and  fight.  It  was 
wholly  in  accord  with  the  desire  of  the  people  that  he 
became  high-priest  and  ruler;  and  Jerusalem  gave 
him  a  warm  welcome.  His  first  duty  was  to  punish 
the  murderer  of  his  father.  Ptolemy,  after  his  act  of 
treachery,  attempted  to  make  himself  master  of  the 
capital;  but  failing,  retired  to  his  fortress  at  Docus. 
Here  Hyrcanus  besieged  him  but  was  deterred  from 
capturing  the  fortress  because  Ptolemy  threatened  to 
throw  the   mother   of   Hyrcanus   headlong   from    the 


98    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

walls  if  an  assault  was  made.  The  return  of  the  Sab- 
batical year  necessitated  a  rest  from  war,  and  thus  gave 
Ptolemy  an  opportunity  to  escape.  After  murdering 
the  mother  of  Hyrcanus,  he  fled  to  Philadelphia, 
where  he  disappeared  forever. 

100.  Hardly  was  this  trouble  past,  when  word  came 
that  Sidetes  was  on  the  march  from  Syria  with  a  large 
army.  The  refusals  and  victory  of  Simon  had  not 
been  forgotten.  Instead  of  meeting  the  foe  in  the 
mountains,  as  Judas  would  have  done,  Hyrcanus  shut 
himself  up  in  Jerusalem,  and  soon  the  city  was  sur- 
rounded. Hyrcanus  relied  upon  the  walls  for  defence 
and  upon  sallies  against  the  besiegers ;  Sidetes  planned 
to  starve  the  Jews  into  surrender.  To  this  end  he 
surrounded  the  city  "with  seven  camps"  and  at  all 
places  of  possible  exit  doubled  his  guard.  The  siege 
was  long  protracted  and  brought  the  Jews  to  desperate 
straits.  All  who  could  not  bear  weapons  were  sent 
out  of  the  city,  but  even  they  could  not  get  past  the 
Syrian  lines,  and  many  of  them  perished  between  the 
two  forces.  At  last,  on  the  occasion  of  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles,  Hyrcanus  asked  Sidetes  for  a  truce  of 
seven  days,  that  the  people  might  observe  the  feast. 
The  request  is  an  evidence  of  the  religious  fidelity  of 
the  Jews.  This  feast  was  usually  one  of  great  rejoic- 
ing ;  it  could  have  been  anything  but  that  now.  Their 
loyalty  to  faith  seemed  commendable  to  Sidetes,  who 
in  reality  was  one  of  the  better  Syrian  monarchs,  and 
he  sent  with  his  compliance  gifts  for  sacrifice  in  the 
temple.  The  gates  were  opened  to  all  who  had  been 
sent  out,  and  Hyrcanus  took  the  opportunity  of  ap- 
proaching Sidetes  with  terms  of  peace.  The  Syrian 
king  was  ready  to  listen,  and  it  was   finally  agreed 


THE  TREATY  WITH  ANTIOCHUS   SIDETES  99 

that  the  Jews  should  deliver  up  their  arms,  pay  tribute 
for  Joppa,  and  the  other  cities  which  bordered  upon 
Judea,  give  him  hostages,  and  in  addition  pay  five 
hundred  talents  of  silver.  Two  things  are  notable  in 
the  "conference  which  resulted  in  this  agreement.  One 
was  the  rejection  by  Sidetes  of  the  counsel  offered  by 
the  extremists  in  his  camp,  who  wanted  the  Jews 
destroyed ;  the  other,  the  refusal  of  the  Jews  to  allow 
a  garrison  to  be  placed  again  in  Jerusalem.  The  wis- 
dom of  Sidetes  saved  him  from  another  Maccabean 
uprising;  the  firmness  of  the  Jews  freed  them  from 
the  plague  of  an  enemy  within  their  very  doors.  With 
three  hundred  of  the  promised  talents,  and  the  son  of 
Hyrcanus  among  the  hostages,  Sidetes  withdrew  from 
Judea,  having  attended  to  the  demolition  of  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem  before  his  departure  (Ant.  xiii.  8,  2-3). 

101.  In  this  settlement  an  influence  was  active 
which  is  not  referred  to  in  the  pages  of  Josephus, 
the  Roman  Senate.  Just  such  a  situation  as  that  in 
which  the  Jews  were  placed  warranted  the  interfer- 
ence of  the  Romans,  for  they  had  expressly  warned 
the  nations  against  making  war  upon  Judea  (see  sect. 
93).  Hyrcanus  sent  an  embassy  to  remind  them  of 
their  agreement  (Ant.  xiii.  9,  2).  This  embassy  asked 
that  Joppa,  and  Gazara,  and  "several  other  cities 
which  Antiochus  had  taken  from  them  in  war," 
should  be  given  back,  and  "that  whatever  had  been 
decreed  by  Antiochus  during  the  war,  without  the 
consent  of  the  Senate,  might  be  made  void."  As  this 
account  stands  in  Josephus,  it  seems  to  follow  the 
close  of  the  war;  but  it  must  be  placed  some  time 
before  the  surrender  at  Jerusalem,  for  Antiochus  VII. 
is  the  only  Antiochus  who  could  have  taken  from  the 


100    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Jews,  in  the  time  of  Hyrcanus,  the  cities  of  Joppa  and 
Gazara.  These  were  captured,  in  all  probability,  on 
the  march  of  Antiochus  to  Jerusalem.  The  Romans 
promised  to  gratify  the  Jews,  but  because  of  trouble- 
some affairs  of  their  own,  delayed  attending  to  the 
matter.  Later  Hyrcanus  sent  another  embassy,  which 
secured  from  the  Senate  peremptory  orders  that  all 
towns  taken  by  Antiochus  should  be  restored  (Ant» 
xiv.  10,  22).  The  command  was  too  explicit  to  be 
disobeyed,  hence  Antiochus  contented  himself  with 
tribute  and  hostages  (Schiirer  i.  1,  227).  The  final  out- 
come represented  a  victory  for  the  Jews,  although  the 
return  to  the  position  of  dependence  was  humiliating. 

102.  The  new  arrangement  gave  assurance  of  con- 
tinued peace,  for  there  was  far  more  likelihood  of 
returning  misfortune  if  the  hated  Syrians  were  alto- 
gether excluded  from  the  land.  Tribute  could  be 
paid  until  the  Jews  found  an  opportunity  to  refuse; 
and  the  tangled  interests  at  Antioch  might  make  that 
at  any  moment  possible.  They  soon  did  so.  The 
friendly  feeling  between  Antiochus  and  Hyrcanus,  at 
the  time  of  the  armistice  for  the  feast,  continued  after 
the  capitulation,  and  Hyrcanus  accompanied  the  Syrian 
king  on  an  expedition  into  Parthia.  Here  Antiochus 
lost  his  life,  128  B.  c,  and  Demetrius  II.,  who  was 
released  from  prison  when  Antiochus  invaded  Parthia, 
hastened  back  to  Antioch  to  seize  the  throne.  With 
his  return  begins  a  series  of  events  in  Syria,  whose 
chief  interest  is  in  the  fact  that  it  gave  Hyrcanus 
ample  opportunity  to  re-establish  himself  in  power. 
The  Syrians  appealed  to  Ptolemy  VII.  against  Deme- 
trius, and  Alexander  Zabinas  was  placed  on  the  throne. 
He  in  turn  was  overthrown  by  Antiochus  VIII.,  the 


THE  CONQUESTS  OF  JOHN  HYRCANUS  101 

son  of  Demetrius,  who  ruled  quietly  for  eight  years, 
and  then  was  obliged  to  give  up  the  throne  to 
Antiochus  IX.  After  this  king  had  reigned  two 
3^ears,  Antiochus  VIII.  again  gained  possession  of  the 
greater  part  of  Syria,  made  his  place  of  residence  in 
Coele-Syria,  and  ruled  until  95  B.  c.  (Ant.  xiii.  8,  4; 
9,  3;  10,  1).  Hyrcanus  was  practically  independent. 
After  the  death  of  Sidetes,  he  neither  paid  taxes  nor 
gave  much  attention  to  the  affairs  of  Syria,  but  de- 
voted all  of  his  energy  to  the  building  up  of  the 
strength  of  Judea.  Taking  advantage  of  the  troubles 
in  Syria,  he  first  gave  his  attention  to  securing  the 
land  against  his  immediate  neighbors  on  the  north, 
east,  and  south.  They  were  always  ready,  not  only  to 
help  an  invading  army,  but  also  themselves  to  throw 
all  possible  hindrances  in  the  way  of  Judea 's  progress. 
They  must  now  either  be  driven  out  or  put  under 
subjection. 

103.  To  carry  out  his  large  plans,  Hyrcanus,  first 
among  the  Jewish  princes,  engaged  foreign  troops. 
His  policy  of  conquest  soon  awakened  strong  opposi- 
tion in  the  nation.  The  employment  of  foreign  merce- 
naries made  the  entire  project  even  more  unpopular. 
The  inseparable  relation  between  political  indepen- 
dence and  religious  freedom,  however,  justified  Hyr- 
canus in  his  e'fforts.  He  set  out  first  for  the  regfion 
across  the  Jordan.  Medeba,  which  had  already  shown 
its  hostility  (sect.  54),  was  taken  after  a  trying  siege 
of  six  months,  and  then  Samega  (El  Samik),  probably 
situated  just  east  of  the  ancient  Heshbon.  The  army 
then  recrossed  the  Jordan  and  captured  Shechem, 
destroying  at  the  same  time  the  temple  on  Mount 
Gerizim.     For  nearly  three  hundred  years  this  temple 


102    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

had  been  the  rallying  point  of  the  schismatical  wor- 
ship of  the  Samaritans.  Unlike  the  Onias  temple  in 
Egypt,  it  had  been  a  claimant  for  the  sole  right  of 
existence.  It  was  a  defiant  and  intolerant  rival  of  the 
sanctuary  at  Jerusalem.  The  day  of  its  destruction 
was,  therefore,  a  day  of  great  rejoicing  in  Judea.  It 
was  also  a  fateful  day  for  the  Samaritans  themselves, 
for  it  took  from  them  the  very  centre  and  support  of 
their  religious  life,  and  although  they  continued  for 
many  years  their  separate  worship,  a  shadow  then  fell 
upon  them  which  only  deepened  with  time. 

104.  The  southern  border  of  the  land  yet  needed 
attention,  since  along  it  an  ancient  and  persistent 
enemy,  the  Idumeans,  held  possession.  Judas  Mac- 
cabeus had  been  compelled  to  war  against  them  be- 
cause of  their  determined  enmity,  and  Hyrcanus  now 
felt  himself  strong  enough  to  put  an  end  to  their 
aggressions.  He  captured  Marissa  and  Adora,  and 
was  soon  afterward  in  a  position  to  offer  the  Idumeans 
the  choice  of  exile,  or  the  acceptance  of  Judaism, 
by  submitting  to  circumcision  and  the  obligations  of 
the  law.  They  were  so  anxious  to  remain  "in  the 
country  of  their  forefathers  "  that  they  took  the  latter 
alternative  and  were  circumcised  (Ant.  xiii.  9,  1). 
This  was  a  high-handed  method  of  conquest,  and  "  the 
Judeans  soon  found  to  their  painful  cost  how  danger- 
ous it  is  to  allow  religious  zeal  to  degenerate  into  the 
spirit  of  arbitrary  conversion.  The  enforced  union  of 
the  sons  of  Edom  with  the  sons  of  Jacob  was  fraught 
with  disaster  to  the  latter.  It  was  through  the  Idu- 
means and  the  Romans  that  the  Hasmonean  dynasty 
was  overthrown  and  the  Judean  nation  destroyed" 
(Gratz). 


THE   SUBJUGATION  OF  THE   SAMARITANS        103 

105.  Hyrcanus  now  had  a  season  of  rest  from  mili- 
tary expeditions.  He  ruled  in  undisturbed  possession 
over  a  comparatively  large  and  prosperous  kingdom. 
Numerous  copper  coins  attest  the  independence  of  the 
nation  and  the  honored  position  of  Hyrcanus,  for  he 
is  the  first  Jewish  prince  whose  name  was  stamped 
upon  them.  As  far  as  his  foreign  relations  were  con- 
cerned, he  would  have  passed  all  the  remainder  of  his 
days  in  peace  had  it  not  been  for  the  Samaritans,  who 
were  restless  under  Jewish  control.  At  the  bidding 
of  the  Syrian  kings,  they  had  wronged  the  Idumean 
settlers  whom  Hyrcanus  had  planted  in  Samaria  (Ant. 
xiii.  10,  2).  He  determined  to  teach  them  a  lesson, 
and  laid  siege  to  the  city  of  Samaria.  A  trench  and 
a  double  wall  were  carried  around  the  city  and  the 
conduct  of  the  siege  committed  to  his  sons,  Antigonus 
and  Aristobulus.  The  Samaritans  first  appealed  to 
Antiochus  Cyzicenus,  who  tried  to  help  them,  but  he 
was  defeated  and  pursued  as  far  as  Scythopolis.  As 
their  distress  became  desperate,  they  called  again  upon 
Antiochus,  who  procured  further  help  from  Ptolemy 
Lathurus,  and  with  these  forces  devastated  the  country 
in  the  hope  of  forcing  Hj^rcanus  to  raise  the  siege. 
Antiochus  again  failed  and  then  left  two  of  his  gen- 
erals to  carry  on  the  campaign.  One  of  these  proved 
to  be  a  rash  leader  and  was  defeated;  the  other,  a 
traitor,  who,  from  love  of  money,  betrayed  Scythopolis 
and  other  places  near  it  to  the  Jews.  Thus  ended  all 
hope  for  Samaria.  The  city  capitulated  and  was 
utterly  destroyed.  These  victories  carried  the  north- 
ern boundary  of  the  kingdom  to  a  line  running  from 
Mount  Carmel  on  the  west  to  Scythopolis  and  the 
Jordan  on  the  east  (Ant.  xiii.  10,  2,  3).     Well  might 


104    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Hyrcanus  claim  the  honor  which  the  nation  as  a  whole 
was  ready  to  give  him  and  which  history  has  declared 
his  due.  A  glance  back  over  the  years  to  the  time 
when  Judas  fled  to  the  mountains,  and  when  only  the 
caves  and  fastnesses  were  safe  dwelling-places  for 
the  faithful,  reveals  what  had  been  gained.  Now 
Idumea,  a  large  part  of  the  coast  line,  Samaria,  and 
the  eastern  bank  of  the  Jordan  were  subject  to  the  court 
at  Jerusalem.  Judea  had  become  a  state  worthy  of 
respect  among  the  nations. 


IX 

INTERNAL  DIVISIONS  AND  THE   GROWTH  OF  PARTIES 

106.  All  this  expansion  of  territory  involved  wider 
interests  of  a  secular  character.  Men,  measures,  and 
means  were  required  for  its  supervision  and  care. 
To  be  a  high-priest  giving  undivided  attention  to  re- 
ligious duties  was  one  tiling ;  it  was  quite  another  to 
have  joined  to  one's  high-priestly  functions  the  ad- 
ministration of  an  extended  and  diversified  kingdom. 
We  have  already  seen  how  the  ambition  for  religious 
freedom  merged  into  the  larger  and  more  worldly  am- 
bition for  political  independence.  This  change  brought 
about  inevitably  a  state  of  mind  which,  while  not  deny- 
ing the  purpose  and  value  of  the  law,  gave  room  and, 
indeed,  preference  to  interests  that  were  not  purely 
legal.  Alliances  with  foreign  powers,  the  acquisition 
of  strategic  strongholds  in  order  to  open  highways 
to  Jerusalem,  the  subjugation  of  contiguous,  hostile 
provinces  for  the  same  reason,  —  all  had  a  religious 
bearing.  Church  and  state  were  one  in  Judea.  Fur- 
thermore, these  achievements  also  affected  such  worldly 
interests  as  trade,  home  industry,  military  service,  and 
diplomacy.  In  so  far  as  life  under  the  law  insisted 
upon  attention  only  to  the  ritual  of  worship,  ceremo- 
nial purification,  and  the  study  of  the  law  itself,  it  was 
out  of  sympathy  with  statecraft,  except  in  so  far  as 
this  might  be  indispensable  to  the  attainment  of  these 


106    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

purely  religious  aims.  A  government  existent  solely 
for  the  purpose  of  protecting  and  furthering  religious 
interests,  and  for  guarding  and  promoting  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  law,  was  the  ideal  of  the  Hasideans. 
They  were  heart  and  soul  with  Judas  and  Jonathan  in 
all  their  courageous  struggles  toward  the  establishment 
of  such  a  protecting  and  fostering  power  in  Judea.  To 
them  all  the  religious  interests  of  the  nation  were  for 
a  time  supreme;  but  as  the  Jewish  armies  were  suc- 
cessful and  the  interests  of  Judea  widened  in  the 
dawning  independence,  new  ambitions  filled  the  hearts 
of  the  Hasmonean  princes,  while  the  Hasideans  drew 
back.  They  could  not  and  would  not  follow  the  Mac- 
cabean  leaders  in  their  endeavors  for  political  suprem- 
acy and  political  freedom.  These  were  beyond  the 
bounds  of  their  ideals.  They  gave  up  the  sword  to 
take  again  the  roll  and  the  stylus  and  measure  all 
duties  and  ambitions  by  the  standard  of  the  law. 
Slowly  and  surely  the  breach  widened  between  these 
zealous  "  separatists  "  and  the  rulers  of  the  state. 

107.  The  name  "  Pharisees  "  first  appears  in  Jona- 
than's time,  and  it  was  in  his  reign  that  the  forward 
movement  toward  political  independence  made  rapid 
strides  (Ant.  xiii.  5,  9).  The  two  facts  have  an  inner 
connection.  Much  had  been  done  by  both  Jonathan  and 
Simon  of  which  the  Pharisees  could  not  approve,  and 
the  secularizing  policy  of  Hyrcanus  brought  matters  to 
a  crisis.  To  the  party  of  the  Pharisees  the  high-priest- 
hood of  these  successive  princes  must  have  been  very 
offensive,  for  the  Hasmoneans  even  though  possibly  con- 
nected with  Aaron  through  the  sons  of  Joarib  were  not 
in  the  direct  line  of  descent ;  and  when  in  the  estimate 
of  Hyrcanus  the  glory  of  his  political  sovereignty  was 


THE  TENETS  OF  THE  PHARISAIC  PARTY        107 

greater  than  his  high-priestly  honor,  the  time  for  open 
and  public  disapproval  came.  The  party  of  the  Phar- 
isees stepped  out  into  the  light  of  history  and  became 
one  of  the  most  potent  factors  in  the  destiny  of  the 
nation.  Their  power  lay  in  their  religious  zeal,  which 
commended  them  to  the  people.  Their  earnest,  punc- 
tilious endeavor  to  observe  completely  the  require- 
ments of  the  law  and  the  traditions  kept  before  the 
eyes  of  the  people  the  ideal  which  God  demanded  of 
every  Israelite.  They  embodied  the  spirit  of  that 
Judaism  which  came  into  being  through  the  teachings 
of  the  scribes.  Hence,  though  they  were  in  their  own 
attitude  far  from  democratic,  they  were  in  reality  the 
spiritual  guides  of  the  people.  From  these  facts  it  is 
evident  that  the  Pharisees  were  not  a  political  party. 
It  was  only  the  exigencies  of  the  times  that  brought 
them  into  political  relations.  They  opposed  one  leader 
and  sided  with  another ;  but  the  determining  issue  was 
ever  the  requirement  of  the  law. 

108.  In  their  doctrine  of  Providence,  they  found 
support  for  their  standard  of  action.  The  destiny  of 
the  state,  as  of  the  individual,  was  independent  of 
human  effort.  It  was  in  the  hands  of  God.  Man  is, 
indeed,  responsible  for  the  moral  quality  of  his  actions, 
but  the  outcome  of  human  activity  is  beyond  him. 
God  is  omnipotent,  yet  man  is  so  far  free  as  to  be  re- 
sponsible for  his  conduct.  The  mystery  of  this  they 
did  not  attempt  to  resolve,  but  they  put  strong  empha- 
sis upon  the  guiding  and  determining  power  of  God 
(Ant.  xiii.  5,  9;  xviii.  1-3;  J.  W.  ii.  8,  14),  hence 
"  vain  was  the  war  horse  and  useless  the  mighty  host 
of  battle,  but  God's  eye  kept  watch  over  his  faithful 
ones  to  rescue  them  from  death."     Such  a  doctrine  of 


108    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

God's  watchful  care  had  had  splendid  demonstrations 
in  the  success  of  Israel  against  the  armies  of  Syria,  but 
it  was  no  easier  then  than  now  to  harmonize  it  with 
the  inequalities  and  apparent  injustice  of  life,  and  so 
the  Pharisees  looked  to  the  life  after  death  for  the  ad- 
justment of  present  limitations  and  wrongs. 

109.  In  their  teaching  regarding  the  future  life,  they 
pressed  with  earnestness  the  teaching  of  individual  ret- 
ribution (Ant.  xviii.  1,  3;  J.  W.  ii.  8,  14).  In  that 
other  world  the  righteous  soul  shall  have  its  reward 
and  the  wicked  shall  meet  the  consequences  of  its 
wrong-doing.  In  this  significant  doctrine  they  were 
the  representatives  of  the  genuine  Judaism  of  their 
own  and  of  later  times.  Already  the  Book  of  Daniel 
had  declared  that  "many  of  them  that  sleep  in  the 
dust  of  the  earth  shall  awake,  some  to  everlasting  life 
and  some  to  shame  and  everlasting  contempt "  (Dan. 
xii.  2),  and  the  writer  of  the  Book  of  Enoch,  whose  pur- 
pose was  likewise  to  bring  comfort  and  cheer  to  the 
struggling  few  of  the  days  of  the  Maccabean  uprising, 
presents  a  like  conception  of  future  adjustments  (90, 
20-26,  33).  They  also  had  part  in  the  Messianic  ex- 
pectations which  were  revived  in  the  days  of  the  Mac- 
cabees, and  which  became  the  theme  of  apocalypse, 
and  the  hope  of  the  individual  as  well  as  of  the  nation. 
Here,  too,  their  conceptions  determined  their  attitude 
toward  the  state.  When  one  remembers  that  in  the 
fulfilment  of  the  law,  and  in  their  bright  hopes  for  the 
future,  are  compassed  the  vital  factors  of  the  religion 
of  their  day,  it  becomes  clear  why  and  how  the  Phari- 
sees secured  and  kept  the  spiritual  leadership  of  the 
people  down  through  Roman  and  Herodian  times. 
The  externality  and  formality  which  resulted  from  the 


CHARACTER  AND  BELIEFS   OF  THE   SADDUCEES     109 

attempt  to  satisfy  the  law,  and  the  nationalistic  con- 
ception which  gathered  about  the  thought  of  the  Mes- 
siah, gave  Jesus  occasion  for  stern  denunciation,  but, 
after  all,  at  the  word  of  the  Pharisees,  the  people  hur- 
ried him  off  to  crucifixion. 

110.  Over  against  the  Pharisees  stood  the  Sadducees. 
As  an  organized  party  they  too  were  an  outcome  of  the 
Maccabean  struggles  and  triumphs.  They,  also,  had 
been  vitally  interested  in  the  success  of  Judaism,  but  be- 
cause of  their  ambitions  and  duties  they  did  not  give 
such  close  attention  to  the  requirements  of  the  hour  as 
did  their  opponents.  It  is  not  probable  that  at  their  first 
appearance  they  had  a  fully  developed  philosophy  of  life. 
That  came  as  the  logical  result  of  their  position  in  the 
community.  They  were,  as  Josephus  tells  us,  of  the 
aristocratic  class.  They  had  been  at  the  head  of  affairs 
in  the  state,  had  come  into  contact  with  foreign  ideas, 
and  had  amassed  wealth  (Ant.  xiii.  10,  6 ;  xviii.  1, 
4).  They  put  political  interests  first,  and  found  in  the 
nation's  growth  in  power  and  influence  their  highest 
satisfaction.  In  all  probability  they  took  their  name 
from  the  house  of  Zadok,  an  ancient  and  honored 
priestly  family,  and  a  centre  around  which  aristocratic 
forces  might  gather.  It  is  but  natural  that  with  their 
secular  interests  should  come  a  worldly  spirit.  They 
had  but  little  sympath}^  with  the  rigid  demand  that  re- 
ligion should  be  the  motive  and  measure  of  all  action. 
It  is  precisely  the  same  general  position  which  opened 
the  ranks  of  the  priesthood  in  earlier  days  to  the  in- 
coming of  the  most  decided  Hellenism.  The  Macca- 
bean struggle  had  driven  out  of  the  land  all  apostates. 
The  Sadducees  honored  the  law,  but  they  refused  to 
consider  the  traditions  of  the  elders  obligatory.     In 


110    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

short,  they  turned  their  backs  upon  all  that  the  scribes 
had  accomplished  either  in  the  way  of  oral  additions 
to  the  law,  or  in  the  development  of  religious  views. 
Their  faith  rested  upon  the  written  law^  and  they  could 
find  no  sanction  in  their  accepted  scripture  for  the 
doctrine  of  a  resurrection  of  the  body,  or  of  retribution 
in  another  world,  as  did  later  Judaism.  They  therefore 
rejected  both  (Ant.  xviii.  1,  4 ;  J.  W.  ii.  8,  14). 

111.  Josephus,  who  himself  was  a  Pharisee,  insists 
that  they  taught  such  a  doctrine  of  free-will  as  to  shut 
out  all  co-operation  of  Divine  Providence  in  human 
activity  and  to  leave  man  entirely  the  arbiter  of  his 
own  course  and  destiny  (Ant.  xiii.  5,  9 ;  J.  W.  ii.  8, 
14).  It  has  been  rightly  questioned  whether  this  is  just 
the  truth.  The  Old  Testament  does  not  so  clearly 
teach  immortality  and  individual  retribution,  in  the 
Pharisaic  interpretation  of  them,  as  to  make  the  Sad- 
ducees  contradict  the  authority  on  which  they  relied 
in  denying  these  doctrines;  but  the  same  cannot  be 
said  of  the  denial  of  Providence.  That  teaching  is 
plainly  enforced  in  the  Old  Testament.  How  could 
they  reject  it  altogether  ?  Is  not  the  truth  rather  that 
they  gave  emphasis  to  human  freedom  as  against  the 
overstatements  by  the  Pharisees  respecting  God's  care 
and  guidance?  "God  helps  those  who  help  them- 
selves." The  Sadducees  were  ready  to  "help  them- 
selves" by  alliance  with  foreign  powers,  mercenary 
troops,  and  subjugated  frontiers,  where  the  Pharisees 
would  have  said,  "  Let  God  help  !  " 

112.  In  their  views  regarding  the  existence  of  angels 
and  evil  spirits  the  two  parties  also  stood  opposed; 
but  here  again  it  is  probable  that  the  disbelief  of  the 
Sadducees  was  rather  in  regard  to  the  later  and  devel- 


THE   SECT  OF  THE  ESSENES  HI 

oped  forms  of  these  teachings.  Their  whole  doctrinal 
position  gave  them  liberty  to  follow  their  desires  for 
political  power  and  worldly  satisfaction.  Hence  they 
had  a  deeper  interest  in  sustaining  the  power  of  the 
reigning  prince  than  in  maintaining  the  observances  of 
Moses.  At  a  later  time  they  went  so  far  as  to  be  will- 
ing, for  the  sake  of  power,  to  accommodate  themselves 
even  to  Pharisaic  views  (Ant.  xx.  9,  1).  They  made, 
however,  the  open  door  through  which  Greek  influences 
came  back  into  the  land,  and,  as  another  has  tersely  said, 
"  the  antagonism  between  them  and  the  Pharisees  was 
really  a  secondary  version  of  the  old  feud  between  the 
Hellenists  and  the  Hasideans.'*  These  two  parties 
made  the  *'  inner  contradiction  "  which  at  last  left  the 
Maccabean  state  at  the  mercy  of  foreign  foes. 

113.  While  they  were  striving  with  each  other  for 
attainment  of  their  ends  and  ideals,  a  third  "  sect  "  was 
quietly  seeking  the  realization  of  the  highest  religious 
purity  and  holding  itself  aloof  from  all  interest  in 
either  civil  or  social  life.  This  was  the  sect  of  the 
Essenes.  Its  origin  is  one  of  the  perplexing  problems 
in  the  religious  history  of  the  Jews.  The  name  prob- 
ably signifies  ''  pious,"  and  that  view  of  them  which 
sees  in  them  a  refined  or  superlative  Phariseeism  is,  in 
all  likelihood,  the  true  one ;  but  some  of  the  require- 
ments of  their  ultra-purification  surely  did  not  origi- 
nate on  Jewish  soil.  In  its  most  flourishing  period  the 
number  of  the  Essenes  was  not  large,  —  about  four 
thousand,  —  and  as  a  sect  its  whole  career  is  of  interest 
solely  as  a  religious  phenomenon.  It  did  not  enter 
into  vital  relations  with  the  national  life  as  did  the 
Sadducees  and  Pharisees.  In  common  with  the  latter, 
it  was  rigid  in  its  observance  of  the  law,  and  punctili- 


112    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

ous  in  its  care  for  ceremonial  cleanness.  To  secure 
this  ceremonial  cleanness,  it  was  organized  into  a  com- 
munity with  definite  initiatory  and  probationary  re- 
quirements for  membership  extending  over  a  period  of 
three  years.  All  the  members  dressed  in  white,  dwelt 
in  special  houses,  possessed  their  goods  in  common, 
took  their  meals  together,  and  exercised  toward  each 
other  brotherly  care  in  sickness  and  need.  They  were 
virtually  a  monastic  order,  sworn  to  secrecy  regarding 
their  peculiar  doctrines.  The  day's  routine  was  made 
up  of  prayer  in  the  early  morning,  work  in  the  fields 
or  at  their  crafts  until  the  fifth  hour,  purifying  ablu- 
tions preparatory  to  the  common  meal  which  had  been 
made  ready  by  their  priest-cooks,  further  work  in  the 
fields  until  the  evening  meal,  for  which  preparation 
was  made  as  for  that  at  the  fifth  hour,  then  an  evening 
of  study,  or  of  intercourse  with  strangers  who  came  to 
them  (J.  W.  ii.  8,  5).  They  would  not  engage  in 
trade,  nor  would  they  hold  slaves,  and  they  condemned 
oaths,  marriage,  and  animal  sacrifices.  Much  in  their 
theology  was  the  same  as  in  that  of  the  Pharisees. 
They  surpassed  the  latter,  however,  in  the  emphasis 
which  they  laid  upon  the  doctrine  of  Providence.  In- 
deed, they  were  supposed  to  have  a  wonderful  knowl- 
edge of  God's  future  purposes  with  regard  to  men. 
Josephus  gives  us  several  instances  of  this  knowledge 
(J.  W.  i.  3,  5 ;  ii.  7,  3  ;  Ant.  xv.  10,  5).  In  their 
doctrine  of  man  they  differed  radically  from  Jewish 
orthodoxy.  They  taught  the  pre-existence  as  well  as 
immortality  of  the  soul  and  denied  the  resurrection  of 
the  body  (J.  W.  ii.  8,  11).  Stranger  than  all,  they 
prayed  to  the  sun  (J.  W.  ii.  8,  5),  and  were  careful 
that  its  bright  light  should  in  no  way  be  polluted, 


ORIGIN  or  THE  SECT   OF  THE  ESSENES         113 

114.  Granting  that  Josephus  has  given  us  a  correct 
account  of  this  strange  combination  of  customs  and 
teachings,  the  question  at  once  arises,  What  was  its 
origin  ?  Our  answer  really  turns  upon  the  trustworthi- 
ness of  Josephus.  If  this  is  questioned,  we  must  then 
seek  to  explain  these  tenets  from  a  Judeo-Pharisaic 
basis.  Such  explanation  is  given  by  a  number  of  emi- 
nent scholars.  The  break  with  the  temple  sacrificial 
system  is  then  accounted  for  by  the  refusal  of  these 
purists  to  have  part  in  its  contaminated  ritual,  or  by 
their  higher  conception  of  the  nature  of  real  sacnfice, 
and  their  prayers  in  the  morning  are  interpreted  as  not 
to  the  sun,  but  as  simply  coincident  with  his  rising. 
Unquestionably  much  of  their  ritual  system  of  purifi- 
cation can  be  explained  as  extreme  Pharisaism;  but 
that  the  whole  of  it  can  be  so  accounted  for  is  doubtful. 
"We  must  either  reject  Josephus'  description  of  their 
sun-worship  and  anthropology,  or  seek  the  explanation 
of  them  in  extra-Jewish  sources.  Buddhism,  Parsee- 
ism,  and  Syrian  heathenism  have  each  been  drawn 
upon  for  this  explanation,  but  the  striking  similarity 
of  Pythagorean  ideals  with  those  of  Essenism  and  the 
long-continued  presence  of  Greek  influences  in  the 
land  make  this  explanation  of  its  origin  plausible. 
Pythagoreanism  shares  with  Essenism  "  its  aspirations 
for  bodily  purity  and  sanctity,  its  lustrations,  its  simple 
habits  of  life  apart  from  all  sensual  enjoyments,  its 
high  estimation  of  celibacy,  its  white  garments,  its 
repudiation  of  oaths,  and  especially  its  rejection  of 
bloody  sacrifices,  also  the  invocation  of  the  sun,  and 
the  scrupulosity  with  which  all  that  was  unclean  was 
hidden  from  it,  and  lastly  the  dualistic  view  of  soul 
und  body"  (Schiirer).    It  was  not  Pythagoreanism  m 

s 


114    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

a  philosophical  system,  but  Pythagoreanism  as  a  help 
toward  the  attainmeut  of  a  loftier  purity,  that  made  its 
teachings  attractive  to  these  earnest  souls.  Perhaps 
the  renewal  of  friendship  with  the  Lacedsemonians,  in 
Jonathan's  time,  and  the  reference  in  that  renewal  to 
the  bonds  between  them  and  the  Jews  (I.  Mac.  xii.  7, 
10),  which  had  been  long-standing,  may  bear  upon  the 
question.  Whatever  the  source  of  this  stern  ritual  of 
purification,  it  made  its  observers  respected.  Their 
simple,  orderly,  devout  life  gave  to  the  Jews  some 
conception  of  the  meaning  of  brotherhood  within  the 
limits  of  the  nation  itself.  They  exhibited  none  of 
the  pride  of  the  Pharisee  nor  the  haughtiness  of  the 
Sadducee.  They  loved  the  humble,  the  feeble,  and 
the  poor  and  constantly  ministered  to  their  necessities. 
115.  The  gradual  steps  by  which  the  Pharisees  and 
Sadducees  attained  the  prominence  in  which  we  find 
them  in  the  latter  days  of  Hyrcanus  are  unknown  to 
us.  As  we  come,  however,  to  understand  the  spirit  of 
each,  it  is  not  difficult  to  mark  in  the  national  history 
events  which  would  lead  them  out  and  on.  The  Mac- 
cabean  leaders  are  not  to  be  identified  with  either 
party.  Their  sympathies  were  naturally  from  the  first 
with  the  Pharisees,  but  they  also  stood  in  close  rela- 
tions with  the  Sadducees.  Hyrcanus  had  managed  by 
a  fair  distribution  of  honors  to  avoid  all  open  rupture, 
but  the  whole  drift  of  his  administration  was  away 
from  the  ideals  of  the  Pharisees.  According  to  the 
traditional  account  in  Josephus  (Ant.  xiii.  10,  5,  6),  a 
trivial  incident  brought  affairs  to  a  crisis.  At  a  ban- 
quet given  by  the  Pharisees,  he  took  advantage  of 
their  genial  mood  to  speak  of  his  wish  to  serve  their 
interests  as  fully  as  possible  and  to  ask  for  the  correc- 


ANTAGONISM  OF  THE   PHAKISEES   TO  HYRCANUS     115 

tion  of  any  mistake  in  his  conduct  which  they  might 
have  observed.  To  the  general  voice  of  commenda- 
tion, which  seems  a  bit  insincere  in  view  of  the  issues, 
a  certain  Eleazar  made  a  startling  exception  by  declar- 
ing that  if  Hyrcanus  wished  to  be  a  really  righteous 
man,  he  would  give  up  his  office  of  high-priest,  assign- 
ing as  the  reason,  that  his  mother  had  been  a  captive 
in  the  reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  —  a  charge  that 
implied  her  dishonor.  Hyrcanus  was  very  angry  at 
this  open  insult.  He  was  advised  by  a  friend  from  the 
Sadducees  to  find  out  whether  this  was  merely  an 
individual  attack  or  an  expression  of  general  Pharisaic 
opinion,  by  asking  them  to  declare  what  punishment 
was  due  such  an  offence.  They  replied,  "  Stripes  and 
bonds,"  and  the  mildness  of  the  sentence  was  inter- 
preted as  a  sort  of  approval  of  Eleazar's  act.  There- 
upon Hyrcanus  openly  joined  the  Sadducees. 

116.  Two  ways  were  possible  to  him  for  showing 
his  opposition  to  the  Pharisees.  He  could  forbid  the 
observance  of  all  Pharisaic  ordinances,  as  Josephus 
states  he  did  (Ant.  xiii.  10,  6),  or  he  could  remove  the 
Pharisees  from  the  highest  positions  of  trust  among 
the  temple  officials,  from  the  supreme  council,  and 
from  the  courts  of  judgment.  The  latter  was  probably 
his  course  of  action,  for  Hyrcanus  came  to  no  serious 
outbreak  with  the  people,  and  a  wholesale  prohibition 
of  the  observance  of  Pharisaic  enactments  must  cer- 
tainly have  precipitated  a  rebellion.  The  presence  of 
Sadducees  in  the  Senate  would  indirectly  secure  the 
setting  aside  of  these  ordinances  and  yet  avoid  a  direct 
conflict.  Strictly  speaking,  the  contention  of  the 
Pharisees  regarding  the  high-priesthood  was  justifiable, 
though  the  reason  they  gave  for  the  illegitimacy  of 


116    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Hyrcanus  was  utterly  false.  Indeed,  the  particulars  of 
the  story  in  Josephus  reveal  its  legendary  character, 
and  the  reason  for  the  rupture  must  be  found  in  the 
question  about  the  priesthood.  A  deep  distrust  of 
such  a  union  of  royal  and  priestly  power  as  Hyrca- 
nus represented  was  really  the  underlying  cause  of 
dissension. 

117.  Fortunately  for  Hyrcanus  himself,  his  days 
were  not  many  after  this  unhappy  break.  He  was 
spared  the  dread  civil  war  which  a  few  years  later 
attested  the  bitterness  of  the  antagonisms  which  first 
found  open  expression  in  his  day.  His  long  and  gen- 
erally prosperous  reign  ended  peacefully,  and  he  evoked 
from  Josephus  the  following  tribute  of  praise :  '^ He 
administered  the  government  in  the  best  manner  for 
thirty-one  years.  He  was  esteemed^by  God  worthy  of 
the  three  greatest  privileges,  the  government  of  his 
nation,  the  dignity  of  the  high-priesthood,  and  the 
power  of  prophecy,  for  God  was  with  him  and  enabled 
him  to  know  and  to  foretell  the  future.  Thus,  respect- 
ing his  two  eldest  sons,  he  foretold  that  they  would 
not  long  continue  in  the  government  of  public  affairs ; 
and  their  unhappy  fate  will  be  worth  description  that 
people  may  thence  learn  how  very  much  they  came 
short  of  their  father's  happiness"  (Ant.  xiii.  10,  7). 


THE    REVIVAL    OF    HELLENISM    AND    THE    STRUGGLE 
OF  PARTIES 

118.  Two  distinctly  marked  forces  are  now  again 
at  work  within  the  life  of  the  nation.  Their  interac- 
tion is  the  sum  and  substance  of  the  history  of  the 
latter  days  of  the  Hasmoneans.  They  bring  back 
under  other  names  the  ideals  and  the  affinities  of  the 
days  of  Judas  Maccabeus,  and  carry  on  in  sad  and 
direful  fashion  the  old  struggle  between  Hellenism 
and  Judaism.  The  Maccabean  state  has  attained  its 
glory  in  supremacy  over  outside  foes  only  to  fall  into 
ruin  under  the  disintegrating  action  of  internal  rivalry. 
The  question  of  the  nation  has  resolved  itself  into 
this :  shall  a  religio-political  or  a  politico-religious 
force  have  the  mastery?  More  and  more  the  people 
themselves  were  being  drawn  into  the  settlement  of 
this  definite  issue.  The  heroic  service  and  devotion 
of  their  leaders  hitherto  had  held  them  in  loyal  fidel- 
ity to  that  leadership.  Now  they  were  called  upon  to 
decide  between  their  civil  rulers  and  their  religious 
teachers,  and  that  decision  involved  them  in  civil 
war. 

119.  John  Hyrcanus  left  the  government  to  his 
wife  and  placed  his  eldest  son,  Aristobulus,  in  the 
high-priesthood.  This  appears  as  a  peace  measure,  for 
it  separated  the  civil  from  the  religious  leadership  of 


118    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  nation  ;  but  it  proved  entirely  futile,  for  Aristobu> 
lus,  in  order  to  have  sole  power,  threw  his  mother  into 
prison.  Only  Antigonus  of  the  four  brothers  escaped 
imprisonment.  He  was  given  a  place  of  honor  because 
of  the  affection  which  his  brother  bore  toward  him. 
Aristobulus  now  proceeded  to  show  his  sympathies 
with  the  anti-Pharisaic  tendencies  in  Jerusalem.  He 
took  the  title  of  "king,"  peculiarly  offensive  to  the 
Jews  when  assumed  by  one  so  clearly  out  of  the 
Davidic  line  ;  he  gave  place  to  the  customs  and  concep- 
tions of  Hellenistic  culture;  and  he  carried  on  a  war 
of  conquest  which  resulted  in  the  addition  of  a  large 
part  of  the  Iturean  territory  to  Judea  (Ant.  xiii.  11, 
3).  Schiirer  conjectures  that  this  territory  was  mainly 
Galilee,  and  in  this  is  seconded  by  Buhl  (Geographie 
des  alten  Pales.).  If  true,  then  the  actual  Judaizing 
of  Galilee  was  first  accomplished  at  this  time,  and  we 
have  another  instance  of  compulsory  uniformity  of 
faith  through  the  rite  of  circumcision. 

120.  Aristobulus'  extended  dominion,  however,  gave 
him  but  brief  satisfaction,  for  soon  after  his  victory  he 
was  seized  with  a  fatal  illness.  His  dying  hours  were 
filled  with  remorse  over  the  murder  of  his  honored  and 
beloved  brother,  Antigonus.  Enemies  of  the  latter 
had  persuaded  Aristobulus  that  he  was  intriguing  to 
supplant  him.  At  first  the  sick  man  would  not  believe 
the  charge,  but  with  suspicions  aroused,  he  requested 
that  his  brother  come  to  him  unarmed.  Should  he 
appear  in  arms,  he  was  to  be  killed.  Antigonus  was 
then  informed  *  that  Aristobulus  wished  to  see  him  in 
the  glory  of  the  new  armor  which  he  had  just  pur- 
chased, and,  suspecting  nothing,  he  went  in  full  armor 
to  the  palace,  where,  in  a  secret  passage-way,  he  was 


THE   CHARACTER  OF  JANN^US  119 

murdered.  Short  as  was  the  reign  of  this  unhappy 
son  of  Hyrcanus,  —  one  year  in  length,  105-104  b.  c, 
—  it  was  productive  of  great  mischief  in  undoing  much 
for  which  the  Maccabees  had  suffered  and  struggled. 
The  very  sobriquet  by  which  he  was  known,  "  Phil- 
Hellene,"  marks  his  reversal  of  the  purposes  of  Judas 
and  Jonathan  and  accounts  for  his  favorable  reputa- 
tion among  the  Greeks,  while  the  Pharisees  could  see 
in  him  little  that  was  good. 

121.  Bad  as  he  was  in  the  eyes  of  the  Pharisees, 
he  did  not  compare  in  shamelessness  and  infamy  with 
his  successor,  Alexander  Jannseus,  the  third  son  of 
Hyrcanus.  The  promise  of  the  man  must  have 
appeared  early  in  the  boy,  for  his  father  so  disliked 
him  that  he  sent  him  to  Galilee,  where  he  remained 
until  Hyrcanus  died.  Aristobulus  also  feared  the 
young  man  and  kept  him  in  prison.  He  was  released 
only  after  the  death  of  Aristobulus,  then  married  the 
latter's  widow  and  was  given  the  kingship  in  104  B.  c. 
For  twenty-six  years  he  fought,  intrigued,  and  mur- 
dered in  the  pursuit  of  his  selfish  ambitions  and  won 
for  himself  a  place  among  the  reprobates  of  Jewish 
history.  When  he  came  to  power,  all  of  western 
Palestine  except  a  few  cities  was  under  the  sway  of 
the  Hasmonean  sceptre.  These  cities,  all  of  them 
Hellenistic  in  character  and  population,  became  at 
once  the  objects  of  his  ambition  for  conquest.  Ptole- 
mais  and  Gaza  had,  during  the  recent  rivalries  of 
Grypos  and  Cyzicenus  concerning  the  possession  of 
Syria,  declared  themselves  free  republics. 

122.  Jannseus  began  his  military  operations  by  lay- 
ing siege  to  them,  he  himself  taking  part  in  the  attack 
upon  Ptolemais.     The  undertaking  soon  involved  him 


120    THE   MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

in  the  most  serious  complications;  for  the  men  of 
Ptolemais,  though  they  immediately  repented  of  their 
action  in  appealing  for  aid  to  Ptolemy  Lathurus,  then 
in  Cyprus,  nevertheless  thereby  brought  him  with  a 
large  army  into  Syria.  He  was  only  too  willing  to 
gain  a  foothold  upon  land  adjoining  Egypt,  whence  he 
had  been  driven  by  his  mother  Cleopatra.  The  inhab- 
itants of  Gaza,  together  with  Zoilus,  who  then  ruled 
over  Dora  and  Straton's  Tower  (afterward  Caesarea), 
came  to  Ptolemy  for  assistance ;  and  in  fear  of  the  new 
force  assembling  against  him,  Jannseus  withdrew  into 
Judea.  He  now  tried  the  double  policy  of  bargaining 
with  Ptolemy  for  his  friendship  and  at  the  same  time 
of  inviting  Cleopatra  to  march  against  her  son.  Ptol- 
emy, on  discovering  this,  turned  with  all  his  energy 
against  the  treacherous  Jew.  On  the  way  to  meet 
Jannseus,  Ptolemy  captured  Asochus  and  stormed 
Sepphoris  in  Galilee,  and  finally  fought  a  battle  at  a 
place  now  unknown,  named  Asphon,  near  the  Jordan. 
The  result  was  overwhelmingly  disastrous  for  Jannseus. 
He  lost  a  large  army  and  placed  his  whole  kingdom  at 
the  mercy  of  Ptolemy.  The  situation  was  desperate. 
Ptolemy  hated  the  Jews  because  of  their  support  of  his 
mother  in  Egypt,  and  his  march  through  some  of  the 
villages  in  Judea  was  characterized  by  shameful  bar- 
barities. Ptolemais  fell  into  his  hands,  and  Gaza 
opened  her  gates  to  him  (Ant.  xiii.  12,    2-6). 

123.  Only  the  timely  interference  of  Cleopatra  saved 
the  Jews  from  the  loss  of  everything  for  which  they 
had  so  long  stnlggled.  With  a  large  land  and  naval 
force  she  advanced  against  her  son,  who,  taking  advan- 
tage of  her  absence  from  Egypt,  tried  to  make  himself 
master  there.     In  this  he  failed,  and  being  driven  out 


THE  CAMPAIGNS  OV  JANN^US  121 

of  the  country  by  an  army  sent  for  that  purpose  by 
Cleopatra,  he  returned  to  Gaza  to  find  his  mother  in 
possession  of  the  whole  of  Palestine.  The  Egyptian 
Jews  had  been  faithful  to  the  queen  through  all  this 
trouble,  and  when  her  Jewish  general  Ananias  advised 
her  urgently  not  to  listen  to  the  councils  of  those  who 
would  make  Judea  a  dependency  of  Egypt,  she  con- 
sented and  made  an  alliance  with  Jannseus.  Ptolemy 
was  forced  to  go  back  to  Cyprus,  Cleopatra  withdrew 
to  her  own  dominions,  and  Jannseus  was  again  estab- 
lished as  an  independent  ruler  (Ant.  xiii.  13,  2). 

124.  It  was  to  be  expected  that  military  expeditions 
which  ended  so  disastrously  would  have  mitigated 
Jannaeus'  lust  of  conquest.  On  the  contrary,  to  its 
consuming  desires  was  now  added  the  passion  for 
revenge,  and  once  more  he  gathered  mercenary  troops 
for  an  expedition  to  the  east  of  the  Jordan  and  into 
Philistia.  Gadara  was  taken  after  a  siege  of  ten 
months,  and  then  Amathus,  a  strong  fortress  near  the 
Jordan.  In  this  region  he  lost  through  carelessness, 
which  gave  the  enemy  an  opportunity  for  a  sudden 
attack,  ten  thousand  men  and  all  his  camp  equipment; 
but  he  was  able,  notwithstanding,  to  continue  his  march 
into  the  land  of  the  Philistines,  where  he  seized  Raphia 
and  Anthedon,  and,  after  a  year's  siege,  Gaza,  whose 
gates  were  opened  to  him  by  treachery,  and  whose 
streets,  as  the  result  of  the  fury  of  revenge  and  de- 
spair, ran  blood  (Ant.  xiii.  13,  3). 

125.  Nine  years  were  spent  in  these  expeditions, 
which  fully  absorbed  the  attention  of  Jannaeus.  He 
had  little  time  for  the  consideration  of  internal  affairs, 
and  the  development  of  party  differences  is,  for  this 
period,  in  a  measure  obscured.     Certain  recorded  facts, 


122    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

however,  cast  some  light  upon  the  progress  of  this 
inner  antagonism.  Alexandra,  the  wife  of  Jannseus, 
was  an  ardent  supporter  of  the  Pharisees,  and  Simon 
ben  Shatach,  her  brother,  a  leader  among  them,  was 
in  honor  at  court  because  of  his  relationship  to  Alex- 
andra. The  Sadducees  were  undoubtedly  in  the 
majority  in  the  supreme  council  after  the  disruption 
between  Hyrcanus  and  the  Pharisees,  and  Griitz  con- 
jectures that  part  of  Simon's  mission  was  to  effect  a 
change  in  the  council  and  through  royal  influence  to 
bring  the  Pharisees  again  into  power.  Whether  or 
not  this  was  actually  accomplished,  it  is  certain  that 
Pharisaic  influence  was  strengthened  from  within, 
while  the  whole  policy  of  Jannaeus  was  from  with- 
out intensifying  its  antagonism  against  him.  He  was 
a  warrior,  not  from  necessity,  as  was  Judas,  but  from 
choice,  and  his  presence  in  the  temple  as  high-priest 
was  most  offensive.  When,  therefore,  he  presumed  to 
ignore  as  of  very  small  importance  one  of  the  Phari- 
saic regulations  regarding  the  ritual,  and  at  the  Feast 
of  Tabernacles  poured  the  water,  the  symbol  of  fruit- 
fulness,  not  upon  the  altar,  but  on  the  ground  at  his 
feet,  the  long  pent-up  feelings  of  the  worshippers 
broke  forth.  They  hurled  at  him  as  an  expression 
of  their  contempt  the  citrons  which  they  had  in  their 
hands,  reviled  him  as  descended  from  a  woman  who 
had  been  a  captive,  and  shouted  that  he  was  unworthy 
of  the  priesthood.  To  save  himself  from  the  angry 
mob  and  to  punish  them  for  their  insolence,  Jannseus 
called  in  his  me'rcenaries,  who  slew  six  thousand  men 
before  the  temple  enclosure  was  cleared.  He  then 
built  a  wooden  screen  round  the  altar  to  secure  him- 
self against  like  attacks.     His  bloody  deed  crystallized 


WARS  BETWEEN  JANN^US   AND   THE   PHARISEES     123 

the  enmity  of  the  Pharisees.  They  waited  only  for 
an  opportunity  to  make  him  feel  its  power  (Ant.  xiii. 
13,  5). 

126.  That  opportunity  came  soon.  His  love  for 
war  led  him  shortly  after  to  make  other  incursions 
upon  the  tribes  east  of  the  Jordan.  In  one  of  these 
against  an  Arabian  sheik,  Obedas,  he  was  lured  into 
a  rough  and  dangerous  region  and  then  attacked. 
His  army  was  destroyed,  and  he  barely  escaped  with 
his  life.  When  he  appeared  in  Jerusalem,  the  Phari- 
sees aroused  the  people  to  rebellion,  and  for  six 
weary  years  (94-89  B.  c),  the  land  was  desolated 
by  civil  war  in  which  fifty  thousand  men  lost  their 
lives. 

127.  When  Jannseus  tried  to  stop  the  rebellion  by 
offers  of  peace,  the  Pharisees  would  listen  to  no  con- 
cession less  than  his  own  death.  That  being,  of 
course,  rejected,  they  appealed  for  help  to  Demetrius 
Eucserus,  then  governor  of  Damascus.  The  armies 
met  at  Shechem.  The  strength  of  the  Sadducees  is 
suggested  by  the  fact  that  in  the  force  of  Jannseus 
were  **  twenty  thousand  of  his  party."  After  unsuc- 
cessful attempts  to  induce  desertion  from  each  side, 
—  the  Greeks  from  Jannaeus  and  the  Jews  from  De- 
metrius, —  a  battle  ensued  in  which  Jannseus  was  de- 
feated. Once  more,  by  the  recklessness  and  incapacity 
of  this  man,  the  nation  was  brought  to  the  brink  of 
subjection.  To  be  rid  of  him,  the  Pharisees  would 
have  undoubtedly  accepted  this  issue,  but  the  national 
interests  prevailed.  It  were  better  to  have  a  worth- 
less high-priest  over  them  who  was  a  Jew,  than  to  be 
at  the  mercy  of  a  Syrian  king.  Six  thousand  of  the 
Jews  deserted  to  Jannseus,  and  Demetrius  withdrew 


124    THE  MACCABEAN  PEEIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

from  the  country.  The  Pharisees  were  now  exposed 
to  the  relentless  hatred  of  Jannseus,  and  "his  rage 
was  grown  so  extravagant  that  his  barbarity  pro- 
ceeded to  the  degree  of  impiety;  for  when  he  had 
ordered  eight  hundred  to  be  hung  upon  crosses  in 
the  midst  of  the  city,  he  had  the  tliroats  of  their  wives 
and  children  cut  before  their  eyes,  and  these  execu- 
tions he  saw  as  he  was  drinking  and  lying  down  with 
his  concubines.  Upon  which  so  deep  a  surprise  seized 
on  the  people  that  eight  thousand  of  his  opposers  fled 
away  the  very  next  night  out  of  all  Judea,  whose 
flight  was  only  terminated  by  Alexander's  death" 
(J.  W.  i.  36,  Ant.  xiii.  14,  2).  After  this  there  was 
no  more  trouble  from  the  Pharisees,  but  Jannaeus 
obtained  the  contemptuous  sobriquet  "  Son  of  a  Thra- 
cian ; "  that  is,  a  savage. 

128.  At  this  time  there  was  serious  trouble  all  around 
the  borders  of  the  Jewish  kingdom.  The  empire  of 
the  Seleucidse  was  in  its  death  struggle,  and  the 
power  of  the  Arabian  king,  Aretas,  was  assuming 
dangerous  proportions.  Rivals  for  the  Syrian  throne 
were  either  courting  or  resisting  the  influence  of  the 
Arab  sheiks.  These  complications  involved  Jannseus 
in  a  brief  war  with  Antiochus  XII.,  who  attempted  to 
pass  through  Judea  to  Arabia.  A  wall  and  trench 
were  carried  across  the  country  from  Joppa  to  Ca- 
pharsaba  (later  Antipatris),  to  prevent  the  passage 
of  the  Syrian  army;  but  the  barrier  proved  of  no 
value.  Antiochus  burned  the  wall  and  marched  on 
to  his  death  in  the  battle  with  Aretas.  The  latter 
was  then  called  to  the  governorship '  of  Damascus, 
and  soon  after  made  an  expedition  into  Judea  and 
defeated  Jannseus  at  Adida.     By  liberal  concessions, 


THE   CLOSING  YEARS  OF  JANN^US'   REIGN      125 

however,  he  was  persuaded  to  withdraw  to  his  own 
country. 

129.  Jannseus  again  was  at  liberty  to  indulge  his 
passion  for  conquest,  and  he  added  successively  to  his 
dominions  Pella,  Dium,  Gerasa,  cities  of  the  Decapo- 
lis,  across  the  Jordan  and  eastward  from  Samaria; 
and  north  of  these,  Gaulana,  Seleucia,  and  the  fortress 
of  Gamala.  He  was  three  years  absent  on  these  cam- 
paigns (84-81  B.  c),  and  his  successes  won  for  him  a 
cordial  reception  upon  his  return  to  Jerusalem.  The 
conquered  cities  were  almost  wholly  Greek;  and  if 
Jannseus  kept  to  his  early  policy,  they  were  com- 
pelled to  accept  Judaism  or  be  destroyed.  At  last 
the  hardship  of  war  and  the  excesses  of  his  dissolute 
life  began  to  tell  upon  him,  and  he  was  smitten  with 
disease.  Even  then  he  could  not  refrain  from  war; 
and  in  78  B.  c,  at  the  age  of  forty-nine,  he  died  while 
besieging  Ragaba,  a  fortress  beyond  the  Jordan  (Ant. 
xiii.  15,  5). 

130.  The  weaker  side  of  Phariseeism  was  revealed 
by  the  action  of  the  party  at  his  funeral,  for  it  was 
owing  to  the  unstinted  praises  which  the  Pharisees 
gave  him  that  this  much-hated  man  was  buried  with 
great  pomp  and  splendor.  He  had,  indeed,  extended 
to  their  widest  limits  the  boundaries  of  the  Jewish 
kingdom;  but  its  extent  was  its  only  remarkable 
feature.  It  was  a  conglomeration  of  diverse  interests. 
Its  unity  was  only  superficial.  Its  glory  was  unsub- 
stantial. In  a  few  years  a  foreign  power  was  to  be- 
come its  sole  master.  The  influence  of  Hellenism  had 
grown  apace.  The  coins  of  Janngeus  were  inscribed 
in  Greek  as  well  as  in  Hebrew.  Sadduceeism  had 
been  allowed  a  large  share  of  power.     Civil  and  mili- 


126    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

tary  interests  overshadowed  those  of  religion.  One 
side  of  the  mighty  antithesis  in  the  nation's  life  had 
received  distinct  and  constant  emphasis.  The  result 
was  widened  territory  and  external  glory,  but  deep 
inner  unrest  and  uncertainty. 


XI 


FATAL  DISSENSIONS,   AND   THE   COMING  OF  THE 
KOMANS 

131.  Whether,  on  his  death-bed,  Jann?eus  coun- 
selled his  wife,  Alexandra,  to  seek  constantly  the  favor 
of  the  Pharisees  (Ant.  xiii.  15,  5),  or  to  fear  neither 
them  nor  their  opponents,  but  to  fear  the  hj-pocrites 
who  pretend  to  be  Pharisees  (Talmud),  it  is  certain 
that  from  the  time  of  her  accession  until  her  death 
(78-69  B.  c),  the  Pharisees  had  control.  As  Jose- 
phus  states,  "  while  she  governed  other  people,  the 
Pharisees  governed  her"  (J.  W.  i.  5,  2).  The  policy 
of  the  previous  regime  was,  in  every  possible  particular, 
reversed.  All  exiles  were  welcomed  home,  prison  doors 
were  opened,  and  the  places  of  responsibility  and  honor 
were  given  to  those  who  had  so  recently  been  cast  out. 
Simon  ben  Shetach  came  back  to  gain  and  exercise  an 
influence  greater  than  he  had  ever  known,  and,  if  we 
may  rely  upon  the  traditions,  he  invited  Judah  ben 
Tabbai  from  Egypt  to  come  to  Jerusalem  and  assist 
him  in  the  great  work  of  re-establishing,  improving, 
and  widening  the  power  of  the  law.  The  high-priest- 
hood had  been  given  to  the  indolent  and  incompetent 
Hyrcanus,  eldest  son  of  Jannseus,  while  the  younger 
son,  Aristobulus,  because  of  his  shrewd,  energetic,  and 
ambitious  nature  had  been  studiously  kept  out  of 
power.     As  long  as  the  Pharisees  did  not  meddle  with 


128    THE   MACCABEAN  PEKIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

foreign  affairs,  they  had  their  own  way.  Alexandra 
maintained  a  large  body  of  mercenary  troops  and 
thereby  inspired  respect  abroad.  She  had,  however, 
little  use  for  them,  for  with  the  exception  of  an  inef- 
fective expedition  against  Damascus,  nothing  of  a  war- 
like nature  was  undertaken  during  her  reign. 

132.  Both  the  glory  and  the  shame  of  the  days  of 
her  reign  are  connected  with  the  Pharisees  themselves. 
Under  the  direction  of  Simon  ben  Shetach  and  Judah 
ben  Tabbai,  ceremonial  observances  which  had  been 
neglected  were  restored.  Notable  instances  of  these 
restorations  were  the  ceremony  of  drawing  water  from 
the  pool,  of  Siloani  during  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles 
and  that  connected  with  the  vv^ood-offering  for  the  use 
of  the  altar.  Both  observances  were  honored  with 
an  impressive  ritual.  Special  attention  was  given  to 
the  revision  of  the  marriage  laws,  and  to  the  laws  of 
evidence,  and  for  the  first  time  provision  was  made 
for  the  education  of  young  children.  A  new  elemen- 
tary school  was  placed  in  intimate  connection  with  the 
synagogue.  Hitherto  it  had  been  the  duty  of  the 
father  to  instruct  his  son  in  the  Torah.  The  require- 
ment "  that  the  children  shall  attend  the  elementary 
school"  (Talmud  Jer.  Kethuboth  viii.  11)  marks  a 
distinct  step  in  the  progress  of  the  Jev/ish  system  of 
education,  and  reflects  its  light  upon  the  Phariseeism 
of  the  time.  Another  substantial  and  far-reaching 
ordinance  established  in  this  time,  was  that  imposing 
upon  every  Israelite  of  twenty  years  of  age  and  over 
—  proselytes  and  freedmen  alike  —  a  temple  tax  of  a 
half-shekel.  The  Sadducees  had  maintained  that  the 
daily  sacrifice  should  be  supported  by  private  benevo- 
lence.    Support  was   now  placed  upon  a  firm,  un- 


THE  BLOODY  POLICY  OF  THE  PHARISEES       129 

failing  basis.  ''As  long  as  the  voluntary  system 
prevailed,  it  was  suicidal  to  alienate  those  who  alone 
were  competent  to  contribute  largely;  but  when  a 
kind  of  poll-tax  had  been  welcomed  by  the  nation, 
every  Sadducee  could  be  excluded  from  the  Sanhedrin 
with  financial  impunity  and  the  whole  ecclesiastical 
organization  of  Judaism  was  rendered  independent  of 
Sadducean  grace  or  generosity  "  (Moss). 

133.    Had  the  desire   to   obliterate   the   work   and 
influences  of   the  Sadducees  expressed  itself  only  in 
religious  reforms  and  ordinances,  the  Pharisees  would 
have   shown    themselves   worthy   of    the    confidence 
Alexandra  had  reposed  in  them ;  but  they  could  not 
restrain  the  spirit  of  revenge.     They  must  have  blood 
for  those  of  their  number  whom  Jannseus  had  slain. 
One  after  another,  beginning  with  Diogenes,  the  Sad- 
ducean friend  of  Jannseus,  was  put  to  death,  and  a 
reign  of  terror  began.     Gathering  about  Aristobulus, 
who  was  glad  to  show  himself  their  friend,  the  Sad- 
ducees  sent   a   deputation   to  the   palace,  headed  by 
Aristobulus   himself,  to  plead  their   cause.      In  this 
they  reminded  the  queen  of  their  fidelity  to  Jannseus, 
asked  her  to  give  them  honorable  dismissal  from  her 
service,  if  she  could  not  stop  the  Pharisees,  and,  after 
suggesting    their   worth    to    her    enemies,    if    finally 
driven  out,  requested  that  they  be  allowed  to  retire  to 
the  fortresses  in  different  parts  of   the  land.      Aris- 
tobulus  spoke  freely  his    own  mind,  and  Alexandra 
granted  their  request,  sending  them  to  man  and  guard 
all  her  fortresses  except  three,  —  Hyrcania,  Alexan- 
drium,  and  Machserus,  ''  where  her  principal  treasures 
were  "  (Ant.  xiii.  16,  2,  3). 

134.    At  this  time  a  dark  war  cloud  appeared  on  the 


130    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

northern  horizon.  Tigranes,  the  king  of  Armenia, 
with  an  army  of  five  hundred  thousand  men,  threat- 
ened an  invasion  of  Judea.  Alexandra  hastened  to 
propitiate  him  with  costly  presents,  but  was  relieved 
of  her  fears  by  the  sudden  return  home  of  the  king  to 
meet  the  Romans,  who  were  laying  waste  his  kingdom 
(Ant.  xiii.  16,  4). 

135.  The  possession  by  the  Sadducees  of  so  many 
of  the  strongholds  Aristobulus  meant  to  use  for  his 
own  purposes  when  the  proper  time  came.  The  dan- 
gerous illness  of  his  mother  seemed  the  moment  for 
action.  He  stole  away  secretly  by  night  and  per- 
suaded the  commanders  to  join  him  in  his  attempt  to 
seize  the  kingdom.  In  less  than  fifteen  days  seventy- 
two  fortresses  and  a  multitude  of  people  had  given 
him  their  support.  The  Pharisees,  in  great  alarm, 
imprisoned  the  wife  and  children  of  Aristobulus  and 
sought  to  counsel  with  the  queen,  but  she  was  too  ill 
to  think  of  matters  of  state  and  bade  them  do  what 
they  thought  best. 

136.  Before  there  was  an  actual  outbreak  she  died, 
in  69  B.  c.  Her  short  reign  of  nine  years  is  spoken 
of  in  Pharisaic  traditions  as  a  golden  age.  To  the 
Pharisees  it  was,  indeed,  a  time  of  unhampered  asser- 
tion. The  Sanhedrin,  which  during  Alexandra's  reign 
was  probably  reorganized,  gave  them  large  opportu- 
nity for  this  assertion.  To  this  august  body  she  gave 
supreme  authority  in  judicial  and  religious  matters.  It 
was  also  by  her  will  that  the  doors  of  the  Sanhedrin 
were  first  opened  to  the  scribes,  —  an  element  destined 
to. have  an  increasingly  significant  influence  in  the 
subsequent  history  of  this  supreme  court  of  the  nation. 
Nevertheless,  these  years  were  a  time  of  preparation 


THE  INTRIGUES  OF  ANTIPATER  131 

for  that  little  reaction  which  came  immediately  after 
Alexandra's  death.  The  last  independent  ruler  in 
Judea  had  passed  away. 

137.  Hyrcanus  II.  came  by  right  of  succession  to 
the  kingship,  but  proved  entirely  incapable  of  holding 
it.  Aristobulus  defeated  him  in  a  battle  near  Jericho, 
and  compelled  him  to  give  up  to  him  both  his  royal 
and  high-priestly  rank.  It  is  not  difficult  to  imagine 
what  changes  this  turn  of  affairs  brought  with  it. 
Aristobulus  was  of  the  same  mind  as  his  father  Jan- 
nseus.  That  insured  the  disappearance  of  the  Phar- 
isaic majority  from  the  national  councils  and  an 
emphasis  upon  political  concerns  such  as  had  given 
its  character  to  the  long  reign  of  Jannseus. 

138.  A  significant  name  now  confronts  us  in  the 
pages  of  Jewish  history,  for  it  introduces  us  to  a 
power  which  for  one  hundred  years  is  to  exert  its 
manifold  influences  upon  the  life  of  Judea.  Antipater, 
the  grandfather  of  Herod  the  king,  was  appointed  by 
Alexander  Jannseus  governor  of  Idumea.  His  son, 
also  named  Antipater,  had,  as  it  appears,  succeeded 
him  in  the  governorship.  From  his  position  as  gov- 
ernor of  Idumea,  this  second  Antipater,  the  father  of 
Herod  the  Great,  had  watched  with  keen  interest  the 
progress  of  matters  in  Jerusalem.  It  seemed  easier  to 
carry  out  his  own  ambitions  with  Hyrcanus  at  the  helm 
than  with  Aristobulus.  He  therefore  sought  to  per- 
suade Hyrcanus,  by  all  manner  of  falsehoods  about 
Aristobulus,  to  reinstate  himself  upon  the  throne.  He 
also  appealed  to  the  Jewish  people  in  the  interests  of 
justice  to  join  Hyrcanus  in  this  attempt.  As  part  of 
his  plan,  Antipater  had  secured  the  support  of  the 
Arabian  king  Aretas,  who  was  to  receive  Hyrcanus 


132    THE  MACCABEAN  PEKIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

and  reinstate  him  in  his  authority  on  condition  that 
the  territory  and  the  twelve  cities  which  Jannaeus  had 
taken  from  the  Arabians  should  be  returned.  With 
an  army  of  fifty  thousand  horse  and  foot,  Aretas  de- 
feated Aristobulus.  Deserters  flocked  to  the  standard 
of  Hyrcanus,  and  Aristobulus  took  refuge  upon  the 
temple  mount.  It  is  not  easy  to  say  which  side  of  the 
picture,  that  of  the  temple  enclosure,  or  that  of  the 
besieging  armj',  is  the  more  forbidding.  Aristobulus 
within  the  walls  is  matched  by  an  impious  throng  out- 
side, who  did  not  hesitate  to  murder  an  old  God-fearing 
man  because  he  refused  to  utter  imprecations  upon 
Aristobulus,  and  who  shamelessly  broke  their  promises 
to  the  besieged  by  withholding  from  them  certain  ani- 
mals for  sacrifice  at  the  Feast  of  the  Passover,  for  which 
they  had  paid  an  extravagant  price  (Ant.  xiv.  2, 1,  2). 

139.  Despite  the  strength  of  the  walls  protecting 
him,  the  fate  of  Aristobulus  would  soon  have  been 
sealed  had  not  the  success  of  the  Roman  army  brought 
Pompey's  lieutenants  about  this  time  within  sound  of 
the  civil  troubles  in  Judea.  In  88  B.  c.  the  Asiatic 
provinces  under  the  leadership  of  Mithridates,  king  of 
Pontus,  having  revolted,  Scylla  was  sent  to  bring  them 
into  subjection.  Mithridates  was  compelled  to  beg  for 
peace,  but  after  a  time  renewed  the  war,  which  was 
maintained  with  varying  fortune  on  each  side  till 
Pompey,  in  66  B.  c,  conquered  both  Mithridates  and 
Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia.  His  success  led  him  to 
the  resolution  to  carry  the  sway  of  Rome  to  the  banks 
of  the  Euphrates,  and  it  was  in  the  working  out,  in 
part,  of  this  resolution  that  his  generals  were  in  Syria. 
Wliile  at  Damascus,  Scaurus  heard  of  the  siege  in 
Jerusalem   and  hastened  on  to  use  the   civil  war  in 


ROMAN  INTERFERENCE  IN  JUDEA  133 

some  way  for  the  advantage  of  Rome.  He  was  met 
almost  at  the  boundaries  of  Judea  by  ambassadors  from 
both  Aristobulus  and  Hyrcanus.  Aristobulus  won  the 
day,  since  it  was  easier  for  the  Roman  army  to  dis- 
pose- of  the  Arab  hordes  than  to  storm  the  fortified 
position  of  Aristobulus.  Thus  Aretas  was  compelled 
to  raise  the  siege  (Ant.  xiv.  2,  3). 

140.  For  a  little  time  Aristobulus  had  undisputed 
possession.  But  Rome,  with  whom  friendly  treaties 
had  been  made,  and  who  at  a  distance  spoke  such 
helpful  words,  now  definitely  determined  to  take  a  hand 
in  the  affairs  of  the  nation.  It  was  no  longer  a  nation 
united  against  Syria  that  required  help,  but  one  di- 
vided against  itself.  In  the  judgment  of  the  Romans 
a  strong,  steady  government  was  needed  to  gain  and 
secure  the  best  results.  Aristobulus  soon  felt  the 
force  of  this,  and  lost  no  opportunity  of  strength- 
ening the  good-will  of  Pompey.  In  the  spring  of 
63  B.  c.  Pompey  himself  came  to  Damascus,  and 
three  embassies  appeared  before  him.  Hyrcanus  and 
Aristobulus  maligned  each  other,  but  the  messengers 
from  the  people  expressed  with  unmistakable  distinct- 
ness the  desire  for  which  the  Pharisees  had  so  long 
contended  :  "  We  do  not  wish  to  be  under  kingly  gov- 
ernment because  the  form  of  government  we  received 
from  our  forefathers  was  that  of  subjection  to  the  priests 
of  that  God  whom  they  worshipped"  (Ant.  xiv.  3,  2). 
In  so  far  as  the  Romans  took  away  the  independence 
of  Judea  and  stripped  the  high-priesthood  of  civil  au- 
thority, these  petitioners  gained  their  wish,  and  "the 
first  and  most  important  stage  of  the  battle  between 
the  Pharisees  and  the  Sadducees  came  to  an  end" 
(Wellhausen) . 


134    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

141.  Pompey  promised  to  give  a  decision  after  he 
had  made  an  expedition  against  the  Nabateans ;  but 
Aristobulus,  who  had  put  on  royal  airs  while  in 
Damascus,  was  by  no  means  satisfied  and  in  mistrust 
prepared  for  resistance.  Pompey  turned  at  once  from 
his  proposed  expedition  and  marched  into  Judea.  He 
compelled  Aristobulus  to  give  up  the  fortresses  which 
he  held  and  drove  him  into  Jerusalem  where  again  the 
foolish  man  determined  to  make  a  stand.  When  Pom- 
pey appeared  before  the  city,  Aristobulus  lost  courage, 
went  to  the  Roman  leader,  and  promised,  in  addition 
to  a  plentiful  supply  of  money,  to  open  to  him  the 
gates  of  the  city.  Gabinius  and  his  soldiers  were 
sent  to  receive  the  money  and  take  possession  of  the 
city,  but  found  the  gates  closed ;  and  Pompey,  in  anger 
at  the  supposed  treachery  of  Aristobulus,  threw  him 
into  prison  and  prepared  to  take  the  city  by  force  (Ant. 
xiv.  3,  3,  4). 

142.  A  division  of  opinion  within  the  city  itself 
enabled  Pompey  to  get  possession  of  all  but  the 
temple  mount  without  drawing  a  sword.  The  fol- 
lowers of  Hyrcanus  looked  upon  the  Roman  leader  as 
their  ally,  and  quietly  let  him  in.  The  adherents  of 
Aristobulus,  who  had  urged  resistance,  as  soon  as  they 
were  outvoted,  seized  upon  the  temple  mount,  cut.  off 
the  bridge  which  reached  from  it  to  the  city,  and  pre- 
pared for  a  siege.  Pompey  found  himself  confronted 
with  a  serious  task.  The  only  possible  point  of  attack 
was  on  the  north,  and  along  this  side  the  fortifications 
were  very  strong.  For  three  months  the  Romans 
made  strenuous  efforts  to  open  a  way  into-  the  enclosure. 
They  might  have  toiled  much  longer  had  they  not 
learned  to  take  advantage  of  the  unwillingness  of  the 


JUDEA  MADE   A  ROMAN  PROVINCE  135 

Jews  to  fight  on  the  Sabbath.  On  that  holy  day  in 
the  month  of  June,  63  B.  c,  a  breach  was  made  in  the 
walls,  and  troops  were  hurried  into  the  enclosure.  The 
priests  were  ministering  at  the  altar  as  though  no 
danger  were  near.  Many  of  them  fell  in  the  frightful 
massacre  by  which  on  that  day  twelve  thousand  Jews 
lost  their  lives.  Pompey  and  his  officers,  out  of  curi- 
osity, committed  the  unpardonable  sacrilege  of  entering 
the  Holy  of  Holies,  and  were  astonished  to  find  it 
entirely  empty,  but  they  wisely  left  the  treasures  of 
the  temple  untouched  and  commanded  the  ministers 
about  the  temple  to  cleanse  the  enclosure  and  carry  on 
the  services.  The  leaders  of  the  war  were  beheaded, 
and  Aristobulus  and  his  children  reserved  to  grace 
Pompey 's  triumph  in  Rome. 

143.  Now  came  the  judgments  which,  one  after  an- 
other, made  utterly  void  the  great  results  of  years  of  toil 
and  struggle.  (1)  Judea  was  made  tributary  to  Rome. 
Independence  was  forever  lost.  (2)  Her  territorial 
gains  along  the  coast,  over  the  Jordan  and  in  Samaria, 
were  all  taken  from  her  and  placed  under  the  over- 
sight of  the  governor  of  the  Roman  province  of  Syria. 
While  the  cities  in  these  regions  rejoiced  in  their  free- 
dom from  Judea,  she  became  again  a  small  and  com- 
paratively insignificant  province.  (3)  The  title  of 
"  ethnarch  "  was  substituted  for  that  of  king.  Such 
was  the  outcome  of  the  internal  strife  which  for  thirty 
years  had  been  weakening  the  nation. 

144.  When  Pompey  reinstated  H)rrcanus  in  the 
high-priesthood,  the  Pharisees  were  in  a  sense  satisfied. 
Even  though  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  were  thrown  down 
and  the  national  honor  was  brought  low,  they  could 
interpret  it  all  as  a  victory.     Judaism  had  gained  the 


136    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

day.  Yet  they  had  no  love  for  heathen  rulership. 
Pompey  had  won  their  lasting  hatred  by  his  unpardon- 
able profanation  of  the  temple,  and  they  were  accus- 
tomed to  trace  his  falling  fortunes  to  that  presumptuous 
act.  It  was  the  overthrow  of  the  Hasmoneans  with  their 
worldly  policy  and  ambitions  that  seemed  to  them  a 
just  judgment  of  God.  As  a  nation  they  had  been 
punished,  but  that  punishment  was  for  correction. 
They  had  only  one  king  to  look  for  and  that  was  the 
Messiah,  whose  glorious  reign  would  give  them  suprem- 
acy and  peace,  with  all  attendant  blessings. 

145.  In  the  so-called  Psalms  of  Solomon,  which 
were  written  in  the  interval  between  63  and  48  B.  c, 
are  found  the  conceptions  and  hopes  of  the  earnest,  loyal 
Pharisees  of  the  days  immediately  following  the  fall  of 
Judea  under  the  Roman  power.  Through  them  all 
runs  the  thought  of  the  righteousness  of  God,  of  the 
divine  chastisement  of  sinners,  and  of  the  sure  mercy  of 
him  whose  promise  makes  certain  the  blessings  of  Israel 
in  the  kingdom  of  the  Messiah.  They  themselves 
make  no  claim  to  be  the  words  of  Solomon,  and  their 
conception  of  the  righteousness  which  should  be  the 
goal  of  man's  whole  effort,  and  which  is  to  be  the 
characteristic  of  the  Messiah,  is  purely  Pharisaic.  By 
this  standard  the  author  measures  the  usurpers  of 
David's  throne  and  declares  the  justice  of  their  fall. 

Thou,  0  Lord,  didst  choose  David  as  IsraePs  king 
And  to  his  seed  didst  swear  that  evermore 
His  kingdom  should  abide  before  thee. 
But  in  our  folly  sinners  rose  against  us, 
Set  themselves  over  us  and  abused  us  ; 
Those  to  whom  thou  gavest  no   promise  by  force  have 
claimed  itj 


POPULAR  MESSIANIC   HOPES  137 

They  have  not  held  in  honor  thy  name,  august  in  majesty ; 
But  in  their  arrogance  have  placed  upon  themselves  the 

crown. 
But,  thou,  0  Lord,  hast  cast  them  down 
And  taken  their  seed  from  the  earth, 
In  that  thou  hast  brought  against  them 
A  stranger  to  our  race : 
In  accordance  with  their  sins  wilt  thou  recompense  them 

(xvii.  5-11). 

The  saddening  estimate  of  the  corruption  of  the  peo- 
ple (xvii.  22 ;  ii.),  is  based  upon  their  departure  from 
"  righteousness ; "  that  is,  the  observance  of  the  law. 
Undoubtedly  among  these  "  sinners  "  stand  out  promi- 
nently before  the  mind  of  the  Psalmist  the  Sadducean 
Hellenizing  party  whose  wealth  and  station  made  them 
lax  in  more  ways  than  one.  The  only  hope  for  all 
is  in  repentance  under  the  afflicting  mercy  of  God. 
These  psalms  will  always  be  of  interest  to  the  theo- 
logian because  of  their  earnest  presentation  of  the 
doctrines  of  the  Messiah  and  of  the  resurrection  and 
immortality  of  the  righteous.  Amid  the  humiliation 
and  trials  of  those  days  when  Pompey  polluted  the 
temple  and  independence  was  taken  away,  the  hope  of 
the  Messiah  burned  with  a  new  and  intense  brightness. 
It  seemed  the  veritable  "  foretime "  to  his  coming. 
Hence  the  prayer :  — 

Look  upon  Israel  and  bring  to  her  her  king, 
The  son  of  David  in  the  time  which  thou  hast  chosen  out, 
OGod! 

That  thy  servant  may  rule  over  thy  people, 

Gird  him  with  strength  ; 

That  he  may  crush  unrighteous  princes, 


138    THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

That  he  may  purify  Jerusalem  from  the  heathen, 
That  he  may  cast  out  the  sinner  from  his  inheritance 
And  break  his  pride  as  an  earthen  vessel, 
That  with  an  iron  sceptre  he  may  break  up  all  their  sub- 
stance, 
And  destroy  godless  people  by  his  mouth ! 

He  will  gather  together  the  holy  people 
Whom  he  will  lead  in  righteousness. 

To  him  belong  the  nations  of  the  heathen  j 
Who  shall  serve  under  his  yoke. 
By  the  subjugation  of  the  whole  earth 
Shall  he  give  glory  to  the  Lord. 

From  the  ends  of  the  earth  shall  the  peoples  come 
To  see  the  glory  of  his  presence. 

He  is  a  righteous  king 

By  God  with  wisdom  blessed  to  govern  his  people. 

His  hope  is  placed  in  neither  rider,  horse,  nor  bow, 
Nor  does  he  gather  gold  for  purposes  of  war. 

Pure  he  is  from  sin 
That  he  may  have  extended  rule. 
And  destroy  all  princes  who  sin, 
By  his  mighty  word. 

God  hath  made  him  strong  in  his  Holy  Spirit 
And  wise  in  helpful  counsel, 
Full  of  power  and  righteousness. 

He  shall  feed  the  flock  of  the  Lord; 
He  shall  not  leave  any  among  them 
To  be  weak  in  their  pasture ; 


THE   HOPE  IN  IMMORTALITY  139 

In  holiness  he  shall  lead  them 
And  there  shall  not  be  among  them 
Any  one  arrogant  to  exercise  authority. 

He  shall  judge  in  the  synagogues  the  peoples, 

The  tribe  of  the  sanctified ; 

His  words  shall  be  as  words  of  the  saints 

In  the  midst  of  the  sanctified  people  (xvii.  23-49). 

This  noble  picture,  constructed  in  part  out  of  con- 
trasts to  the  conditions  about  him,  and  in  part  out  of 
longings  for  that  nobler,  better  time  when  righteous- 
ness should  "  have  free  course  and  be  glorified,"  exem- 
plifies clearly  the  character  of  the  Messianic  hope  as  it 
took  form  among  the  faithful  spirits  of  Judaism.  The 
Messiah  is  a  human  king  and  ruler  whom  God  will 
endow  with  special  gifts  and  powers,  fulfilling  the 
highest  ideals  of  both  religion  and  government. 

146.  Hardly  less  notable  than  the  teaching  regard- 
ing the  Messiah  is  that  concerning  the  resurrection 
and  immortality  of  the  righteous. 

They  who  fear  the  Lord  shall  rise  to  life  eternal ; 
Their  life  shall  be  in  the  light  of  the  Lord 
And  never  shall  he  fail  (iii.  16). 

The  saints  of  the  Lord  with  him  shall  live  forever ; 

The  paradise  of  God, 

The  trees  of  life  his  saints  are  (xiv.  2). 

The  life  of  the  just  is  forever  (xiii.  9). 

With  such  hopes  hearts  were  stayed  in  these  days  of 
deep  unrest. 


PART    II 

THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH 
HISTORY 


THE  HISTORICAL  SOURCES  AND    LITERATURE   OF    THE 
PERIOD 

147.  With  the  victory  of  Pompey  over  Jerusa- 
lem in  63  B.  c,  the  Roman  period  of  Jewish  history 
began;  its  close  may  be  and  has  been  variously 
marked.  If  the  period  be  made  to  include  all  the 
years  in  which  the  Roman  emperors  directed  affairs 
in  Palestine,  and  subjected  the  Jews  to  the  imperial 
will,  its  limit  is  not  reached  even  with  the  end  of  the 
second  century  of  our  era.  If  the  limit  be  sought  in 
an  event  which  seriously  affected  the  Jews  in  Pales- 
tine, there  is  still  opportunity  for  difference  of  opin- 
ion, since  the  war  of  70  A.  d.  and  the  more  terrible 
rebellion  against  Hadrian  in  135  A.  D.  were  both  criti- 
cal and  fateful.  It  was  in  the  year  70  A.  d.,  however, 
that  the  great  rallying  centre  of  the  nation,  the  tem- 
ple, was  destroyed,  and  its  demolition  followed  by  a 
gradual  withdrawal  of  the  priesthood  from  public  life. 
At  the  same  time  the  Sanhedrin  disappeared,  and 
with  it  the  Sadducean  party.  The  nation  as  a  nation 
then  lost  its  highest  religious  and  political  privileges. 
Henceforth  it  was  to  have  no  vestige  of  political  one- 
ness, even  under  foreign  domination.  Its  unifying 
power  was  the  law  alone.  Hopes  for  the  future 
revived,  but  the  Jewish  nation  was  from  the  year  70 
A.  D.  a  thing  of  the  past.     There  is  sufficient  reason, 


144       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

therefore,  for  taking  this  date  as  a  proper  limit.  For 
over  one  hundred  and  thirty  years  Judea  was  brought 
into  direct  touch  with  the  Roman  power,  and,  despite 
the  relatively  large  liberty  given  to  her,  worked  out 
slowly  but  surely  her  own  ruin.  The  period  is  of  the 
deepest  interest,  not  only  by  reason  of  the  changes 
which  took  place  in  the  Roman  world  itself,  and  in 
consequence  also  in  Palestine,  but  also  because  in  this 
period  Jesus  lived  and  accomplished  his  mission  and 
Christianity  was  established. 

148.  The  sources  of  our  knowledge  of  this  impor- 
tant period  are  the  Jewish  historians,  the  New  Testa- 
ment, the  literature  of  the  rabbis,  and  the  writings  of 
Greek  and  Latin  historians  and  biographers.  Recent 
valuable  work  in  archseology  and  geography  contrib- 
utes also  its  share  toward  a  clear  understanding  of 
times  which  must  always  have  their  significance  in 
their  relation  to  the  true,  but  despised  Messiah. 

149.  With  the  same  general  purpose  and  from  the 
same  point  of  view,  Josephus,  in  his  "Antiquities," 
continues  his  history  from  the  Maccabean  period  to 
the  outbreak  of  the  war  with  Rome  in  6Q  A.  D.  He 
is  still  apologetic  in  tone  and  desirous  of  commending 
his  people  and  himself  to  the  Romans.  The  coloring 
which  this  desire  gives  to  his  views  must  always  be 
carefully  noted.  The  history  varies  in  fulness  and 
detail  with  different  parts  of  the  period.  The  reason 
is  apparently  in  the  character  of  the  sources  upon 
which  he  depended.  Strabo  and  Nicolas  of  Damascus 
supply  him  with  most  of  his  material  for  the  earlier 
part  of  the  period;  the  latter  is  his  greatest  reliance  for 
the  time  of  Herod  the  king.  For  the  time  between 
Herod's  death,  4  b.  c,  and  the  reign  of  Agrippa  I., 


THE  HISTORIES  OF  JOSEPHUS  145 

41-44  A.  D.,  Josephus  gives  only  meagre  information; 
and  then  his  account  again  becomes  more  detailed.  In 
the  Jewish  War  the  narrative,  as  it  enters  upon  the 
particulars  of  the  war  itself,  has  all  the  fulness  and 
vividness  of  an  eye-witness.  In  comparison  with  the 
books  of  the  Jewish  War  (iii. ;  vii. ),  the  later  books 
of  the  Antiquities  show  less  care  in  preparation. 
His  persistent  endeavor  to  make  it  apparent  that  his 
people  were  actually  friends  of  the  Komans,  and  in 
reality  took  up  arms  against  them  unwillingly,  is  a 
notable  example  of  his  coloring  of  the  situation,  and 
compels  the  acceptance  of  his  assertions  with  some 
caution.  The  Antiquities  were  not  completed  until 
93  or  94  A.  D.  (Ant.  xx.  11,  3);  the  Jewish  War,  at 
some  time  between  69-79  A.  d.  (Against  Ap.  i.  9). 

150.  Our  New  Testament  has  a  twofold  value  in 
its  witness  to  the  movement  of  events  during  the  time 
covered  by  its  record.  It  opens  to  us  the  institution 
and  development  of  Christianity,  and  it  makes  clear  to 
us  the  spirit  and  trend  of  the  forces  in  the  world  all 
about  the  new  and  triumphing  cause  of  the  crucified 
and  risen  Messiah.  It  is  true  that  a  knowledge  of  the 
times  of  Jesus  and  the  apostles  is  needful  to  an  under- 
standing of  the  attitude  and  progress  of  both  himself 
and  his  apostles.  Conversely,  their  spirit  and  attitude 
interpret  for  us  with  unmistakable  clearness  the  mis- 
conceptions of  Judaism  and  the  disastrous  blindness 
of  heathenism.  The  simple,  graphic  pictures  of  the 
gospels  are  true  to  fact  in  geography,  customs,  life,  and 
national  hope.  They  show  us  the  scribes,  the  Phari- 
sees, the  Sadducees,  the  Romans,  and  the  people  in  all 
their  characteristic  features.  In  the  dramatic  story  of 
the  Book  of  the  Acts,  and  in  the  epistles,  we  enter 

10 


146       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

with  the  apostles  the  various  centres  of  Graeco-Roman 
life  all  about  the  Mediterranean.  Jesus  himself  "  swept 
across  the  hopelessly  darkened  sky  of  Israel  like  a 
meteor  flashing  and  vanishing;  he  had  no  effect  upon 
the  history  of  the  Jewish  people,  and  the  fact  that  he 
did  not  do  this,  that  he  deliberately  refused  to  do  so, 
became,  humanly  speaking,  his  doom."  The  "flash- 
ing," however,  revealed  the  woful  mistakes  of  Juda- 
ism, the  hopelessness  of  her  most  fascinating  hopes, 
and  the  certainty  of  her  failure.  In  the  pages  of  the 
New  Testament  the  central  interest  of  Judaism  is 
brought  to  test.  The  law  is  estimated  and  adjudged. 
Religious  parties,  temple  ritual,  and  national  interests 
are  all  allowed  to  speak  with  the  accent  peculiar  to 
their  time.  Meanwhile  a  voice  is  heard,  in  whose 
prophetic  ring,  reality  and  truth,  eternal  truth,  are 
manifest.  From  the  days  of  John  the  Baptist  at  the 
Jordan  to  the  dark  hour  of  the  crucifixion,  there  is  no 
confusion  in  these  voices.  Judaism  is  true  to  herself; 
Jesus  to  himself.  The  antithesis  all  the  way  through, 
from  the  murmuring  at  the  cleansing  of  the  temple  to 
the  derisive  shouts  about  the  cross,  is  itself  a  revela- 
tion of  the  spirit  that  lived  and  moved  in  court  and 
palace,  school  and  workshop,  field  and  camp.  Nor 
does  the  antithesis  cease  with  the  pages  of  the  gospel. 
The  Judaism  of  the  dispersion  carries  it  forward  on 
one  side ;  James,  Peter,  Paul  and  John,  on  the  other. 
151.  If  the  New  Testament  in  its  simple,  vivid  nar- 
ratives thus  makes  possible  a  clear  insight  into  the 
character  and  insufficiency  of  Judaism,  quite  another 
view  of  it  is  gained  from  the  pages  of  rabbinical  litera- 
ture. Judaism  here  speaks  in  the  language  of  her 
most  approved  teachers ;   here  is  the  essence  of  her 


THE  RABBINICAL  LITERATURE  147 

spirit.  Under  the  phrase  "rabbinical  literature  "  are 
included  the  Mishna,  the  Talmuds,  the  Midrashim, 
and  the  Targums.  All  of  these  date  from  times  con- 
siderably later  than  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  and 
the  temple,  but  as  they  gather  up  the  teachings  of  the 
rabbis,  handed  down  from  generation  to  generation, 
they  contribute  a  share  toward  the  understanding  of 
the  Roman  period  of  Judaism. 

152.  The  Mishna,  the  oldest  codification  of  the 
Jewish  traditional  law  in  our  possession,  dates  from 
the  close  of  the  second  century  A.  d.,  and  its  composi- 
tion is  ascribed  to  Judah  the  Holy.  Its  contents  are 
almost  purely  of  that  kind  of  comment  known  as 
Halacha,  or  "binding  rule,"  and  its  sixty  sections  or 
tractates  set  forth  a  wide  variety  of  requirements. 
The  Talmuds,  of  which  there  are  two,  the  Palestinian 
and  the  Babylonian,  date  respectively  from  the  fourth 
and  sixth  centuries  of  our  era.  They  contain  the 
Mishna  with  the  commentary,  which  was  in  turn  con- 
structed for  its  interpretation.  This  commentary  is 
sometimes  called  the  Gemara.  The  traditional  inter- 
pretation of  the  law  itself  is  the  Mishna;  the  tradi- 
tional interpretation  of  the  Mishna  is  the  Gemara. 
The  Talmuds  are  the  Mishna  and  Gemara  combined. 
Both  Talmuds  are  written  in  Aramaic;  neither  covers 
in  its  comment  the  entire  contents  of  the  Mishna.  In 
all  of  these  the  halachic  method  of  explanation  pre- 
vails, although  the  haggadic,  —  that  is,  the  more  enter- 
taining and  edifying  method  of  discourse,  —  is  not 
wanting.  In  the  Midrashim,  which  form  still  another 
class  of  rabbinical  literary  products,  both  styles  of 
comment  are  found,  and  the  interpretation  is  directly 
of  the  scripture  text.     The   Targums,  whose  collec- 


148       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

tion  in  written  form  is  also  of  late  origin,  owed  their 
existence  in  oral  form  to  the  necessity  of  a  translation 
for  the  people  of  the  synagogal  lessons  from  Hebrew 
into  Aramaic.  These  translations  varied  in  character 
from  a  strictly  literal  rendering  to  a  free  paraphrase, 
interpretative  in  nature.  Lest  these  renderings  should 
be  considered  of  equal  authority  with  the  original,  it 
was  forbidden  in  earlier  times  to  commit  them  to  writ- 
ing. Tradition  relates  that  when  Jonathan  brought 
out  his  Targum  on  the  prophets,  the  displeasure  of 
Heaven  was  revealed  in  a  voice  which  asked,  "  Who 
is  this  that  hath  revealed  my  secrets  to  men  ?  "  The 
Targum  ascribed  to  Onkelos  is  a  literal  translation 
of  the  Pentateuch,  while  that  of  Jonathan  is  a  free, 
interpretative  paraphrase  of  the  historical  and  prophetic 
books. 

153.  The  value  of  all  these  purely  Jewish  works  is 
greatest  for  the  study  of  the  spirit  and  faith  of  Juda- 
ism. They  present  to  the  student  of  the  times  a  mass 
of  translations  and  expositions  in  which  fable,  legend, 
anecdotes,  quaint  sayings,  and  fantastic  notions  abound. 
What  evidence  comes  from  them  for  definite  histori- 
cal situations  needs  careful  examination.  Fortunately 
for  all  who  wish  to  make  this  "thesaurus  of  views 
from  various  centuries"  serviceable,  such  works  as 
Derenbourg's  "Histoire  de  la  Palestine,"  AVeber's 
"Judische  Theologie  auf  Grund  des  Talmuds,"  and 
Wlinsche's  "Beitrage  zur  Erlauterung  der  Evangelien 
aus  Talmud  und  Midrasch  "  offer  a  selected  and  sys- 
tematic arrangement  of  the  materials.  Thus  arranged, 
these  materials  constitute  a  valuable  source  for  the 
study  of  the  inner  spirit  of  the  great  religious  parties, 
of  the  Jewish  theology,  and  of  those  methods  of  hand- 


TESTIMONY  OF  THE  ROMAN  HISTORIANS        149 

ling  the  Old  Testament  Scriptures  by  which  not  only 
"a  hedge  was  placed  about  the  law,"  but  also  a 
seconding  was  found  for  all  that  teaching  which  com- 
mitted Judaism  to  the  sad  way  of  its  own  humiliation. 
154.  The  real  secret  of  that  humiliation,  as  far  as 
human  history  is  concerned,  was  in  the  determined 
unwillingness  of  Judaism  to  accept  the  domination  of 
Rome.  The  nation's  death  was  due  to  a  persistent, 
growing  antagonism  to  its  political  environment. 
Hence  we  can  fully  understand  the  situation  only  as 
we  study  the  relations  of  Rome  to  Judea  as  well  from 
the  Roman  as  from  the  Judean  side.  The  character 
and  policy  of  the  emperors,  the  political  necessities  of 
the  empire,  and  the  means  by  which  the  unification 
of  the  Roman  world  was  to  be  realized,  —  these  have 
an  important  bearing  upon  the  history  of  the  Jews. 
For  light  upon  sucli  themes  we  turn  to  the  biogra- 
phies of  Plutarch,  notably  those  of  Crassus,  Pompey, 
Caesar,  Brutus,  and  Antony;  to  the  Lives  of  the  XII. 
Emperors,  by  Suetonius;  to  the  histories  of  Appian 
(bk.  xi.)  and  of  Dio  Cassius  (xxxvii.-liv.);  also  to 
the  Histor}^  and  Annals  of  Tacitus.  These  authors, 
it  will  be  understood,  deal  only  incidentally  with  the 
special  history  of  the  Jews.  Their  interest  centres 
in  the  course  and  policy  of  the  emperors  or  in  the 
province  of  Syria,  but  the  points  of  contact  are  easily 
discerned,  and  the  relation  of  the  whole  to  the  part 
which  Judea  plays  makes  only  more  apparent  the 
peculiar  and  perplexing  problems  which  the  Jews 
forced  upon  the  Romans.  Tacitus  gives  in  book  v. 
1-13,  of  his  history  a  mere  sketch  of  the  history  of 
the  Jews  to  the  time  of  the  war  with  Titus.  The 
generally  contemptuous  estimate  which   the   Romans 


150       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

had  of  the  Jews  as  a  people  is  reflected  in  both  Horace 
and  Juvenal.  Rome  had  no  conception  of  the  import 
of  that  religious  development,  which  in  its  way  was 
to  be  as  much  a  preparation  for  Christianity  as  was 
the  unification  of  the  world  under  the  power  of  the 
emperor. 

155.  A  study  of  the  mental  interests  of  the  nation 
in  this  critical  period  brings  to  light  two  well-marked 
lines  of  development.  One  is  devoted  to  the  unfold- 
ing of  the  inner  meanings  of  Judaism  itself,  • —  its 
observances,  institutions,  and  hopes;  the  other  to  the 
bearings  and  issues  of  the  presence  of  the  Romans  in 
the  Holy  Land.  The  traditions  of  the  rabbis  illus- 
trate one ;   various  apocryphal  books  the  other. 

156.  Noteworthy  among  the  latter  is  the  collection 
entitled  the  Psalms  of  Solomon.  There  are  eighteen 
of  these  Psalms,  and  in  them  is  found  the  outburst 
of  an  earnest,  overburdened  spirit,  which  sees  in  the 
coming  of  Pompey  an  evidence  of  the  righteous  judg- 
ment of  God  (ii.,  viii.).  The  sins  of  Israel  are  just 
cause  for  lamentation,  but  the  presumption  of  the 
heathen  invader  shall  not  escape  God's  wrath;  nor 
shall  those  in  Israel  whose  sympathies  have  been 
turned  away  from  the  law  (ii.,  xvii.).  But  not  all 
Israel  shall  be  destroyed  —  chastisement  will  reveal  a 
chosen  people,  the  veritable  children  of  God  (ix.,  xiv.) ; 
over  them  God  shall  reign  as  king  forever  (v.,  xvii.). 
For  them  is  reserved  the  glory  of  the  Messianic  times 
(xvii.,  xviii.).  The  numerous  historical  allusions  in 
the  various  Psalms  (i.,  ii.,  viii.,  xvii.)  fit  to  the  times 
succeeding  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Pompey.  He 
is  the  one  "whose  heart  is  a  stranger  to  our  God" 
(xvii.  16),  and  the   Sadducees   are  they  who  are  re- 


THE  ASSUMPTION  OF  MOSES  151 

sponsible  for  the  pitiable  fate  of  Jerusalem.  The 
voice  in  these  Psalms  is  clearly  that  of  a  Pharisee 
who,  while  he  will  give  no  superficial  interpretation  of 
the  dark  outcome  of  the  nation's  internal  strifes,  will 
also  emphasize  God's  mercy,  and  upon  that  base  his 
clear,  strong  hope  for  the  blessed  days  of  the  Messiah. 
These  Psalms  are  witness  to  the  fact  that  Israel,  in 
these  later  days,  could  yet  pour  out  her  soul  in  the 
exalted  strain  of  the  poets  of  earlier  times. 

157.  Still  another  voice  from  Pharisaic  Judaism 
speaks  to  us  in  the  Assumption  of  Moses,  but  now  with 
a  different  tone  and  with  quite  another  purpose.  By 
its  teachings  and  prophecies  we  are  brought  forward 
to  that  time  after  the  death  of  Archelaus,  when  the 
restlessness  under  Roman  domination  becomes  impa- 
tient of  the  slow  and  sober  preparation  for  the  Messiah's 
coming  involved  in  keeping  the  law  and  in  repentance. 
More  forcible  measures  are  growing  increasingly 
attractive,  and  the  zealots  are  leavening  the  nation 
with  their  eager,  irrepressible  spirit.  The  book  is 
an  earnest  protest  against  this  spirit.  The  author, 
patriotic  as  he  is,  deprecates  all  appeal  to  arms  (ix. 
2-6).  He  refuses  to  follow  those  Pharisees  who  are 
turning  from  their  old  position  of  non-resistance  to 
active  participation  in  politico-religious  movements. 
His  faith  is  fixed  upon  the  all-decisive  intervention  of 
God  (x.  3-10),  who  asks  no  help  from  an  arm  of  flesh, 
but  only  obedience  to  his  law.  The  book,  which  nat- 
urally divides  itself  into  two  parts,  —  one  historical 
(chaps,  i.-v.  and  viii.-ix.),  and  the  other  prophetic 
(vii.,  X.),  —  is  in  reality  "the  Testament"  rather 
than  "the  assumption"  of  Moses.  These  were  "origi- 
nally  independent   works,    which   subsequently  were 


152       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

put  together  and  edited  in  one  "  (Charles).  Note- 
worthy in  this  product  of  conservative  Phariseeism  are 
its  teachings  regarding  the  future  of  Israel.  The 
Messianic  Kingdom  will  be  ushered  in  by  a  day  of 
repentance  (i.  17),  but  God  himself  will  punish  the 
Gentiles  (x.  7).  The  silence  about  any  Messiah  may 
be  because  of  the  growing  martial  spirit  in  the  nation. 
As  the  Psalms  of  Solomon  voice  the  nation's  desires 
and  herald  the  day  which  with  each  succeeding  decade 
became  the  object  of  greater  longing  and  the  reason 
for  a  more  fiery  zeal,  so  on  the  other  side  this  Testa- 
ment of  Moses  speaks  its  sober  word  against  a  mis- 
taken ambition  and  seeks  to  call  the  nation  back  to  its 
more  spiritual  ideals.  Its  mission  failed.  The  nation 
was  too  far  down  the  swift  current  of  events  to  turn 
back,  even  if  it  could  hear  the  warning  voice. 

158.  The  Book  of  Jubilees  also,  in  all  probability, 
from  the  Pharisees,  belongs,  with  the  traditions  of 
the  rabbis,  in  the  first  line  of  development  to  which 
reference  has  been  made.  The  work  is  virtually 
a  commentary  on  Genesis  and  the  first  chapters  of 
Exodus,  after  the  fashion  of  the  Haggadah.  It  has 
a  double  title,  —  "Little  Genesis,"  that  is,  a  Genesis 
of  less  authority  than  the  canonical  book,  or  "The 
Jubilees,"  that  is,  the  book  whose  chronological  basis 
is  the  jubilee  period  of  forty-nine  years.  The  point 
of  view  of  the  author  is  revealed  by  his  repeated 
endeavors  to  maintain  the  exalted,  eternal  character 
of  the  law.  In  this  the  spirit  of  legalism  is  clearly 
expressing  itself.  As  illustrating  the  haggadic  char- 
acter of  its  comment  are  the  stories  and  fables  about 
the  patriarchs,  and  the  attempts  to  carry  one  back  of 
the  accounts  in  Genesis   by  explanations  which   are 


HAGGADIC  AND  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE     153 

purely  fanciful,  as,  for  example,  that  the  serpent  speak- 
ing in  Paradise  did  only  what  all  animals  could  do 
before  the  fall  (iii.  24).  The  exact  date  of  the  Book  of 
Jubilees  is  uncertain.  Its  chief  value  to  the  student 
of  later  Judaism  is  in  its  method  and  spirit.  These 
bear  witness  to  the  character  of  that  kind  of  teaching 
which  both  Jesus  and  his  apostles  had  earnestly  and 
resolutely  to  set  aside. 

159.  The  later  works,  The  Apocalypse  of  Baruch, 
The  Fourth  Book  of  Ezra,  and  the  Testaments  of  the 
Twelve  Patriarchs,  contribute  in  like  manner  to  an 
understanding  of  the  methods,  beliefs,  and  hopes  of  the 
Judaism  which  existed,  not  only  before  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem,  but  which  also  survived  it. 


n 

THE  TROUBLOUS  TIMES  OP  HYRCANUS  H 

160.  While  the  nation  was  mourning  the  loss  of 
its  independence  and  honor,  Rome  was  exulting  in  the 
successes  of  her  great  general,  in  whose  triumphal 
procession  marched  the  captives  of  nearly  all  known 
peoples.  Aristobulus,  the  Jewish  king,  walked  in 
front  of  the  royal  chariot,  and  in  the  train  which  fol- 
lowed were  many  of  his  countrymen.  Saved,  with  all 
the  other  captives,  from  execution  by  the  humanity 
of  Pompey,  they  found  a  dwelling-place  in  a  district 
of  the  city  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Tiber  and  formed 
the  Roman  Jewish  community,  which  in  its  descend- 
ants was  destined  to  exert  a  mighty  influence  upon 
the  affairs  both  of  Rome  and  all  succeeding  nations. 
The  Pharisees  looked  with  undisguised  satisfaction 
upon  the  great  change  which  had  taken  place  in  the 
national  situation.  The  masses  of  the  people,  how- 
ever, were  not  so  ready  to  accept  the  new  order  as 
were  their  spiritual  teachers.  The  national  spirit 
lived  on  among  them,  and  they  were  ready  to  seize  any 
promising  opportunity  to  get  back  their  independence. 
They  were  taught  with  increasing  emphasis  that  the 
Messiah  would  'correct  all  their  misfortunes,  and  thus 
were  instructed  to  find  their  daily  satisfactions  in  the 
earnest  duties  of  religion,  and  in  the  quiet  occupa- 
tions  of   the  field  or  of  trade;   but  when,  at  times, 


ROMAN  RULE   IN  JUDEA  155 

appeal  was  made  to  them  to  strike  for  freedom,  they 
responded  with  surprising  alacrity. 

161.  Pompey's  conquests,  looked  at  apart  from 
Judea's  humiliation,  must,  on  the  whole,  be  estimated 
as  a  blessing.  The  blessing  certainly  was  in  disguise 
as  far  as  Judea  was  concerned,  but  the  rivalries  of 
petty  kingdoms,  the  heterogeneity  of  the  Jewish  king- 
dom itself  and  the  thorough-going  dissensions  within 
it,  gave  small  hope  of  strong,  progressive  independ- 
ence. A  firm  hand  now  held  in  check  all  over- 
ambitious  princes,  and  made  possible  to  both  cities  and 
provinces  the  development  of  their  own  resources. 
Upon  his  first  organization  of  the  entire  Syrian  prov- 
ince, Pompey  was  content  to  constitute  it  in  part  out 
of  a  large  number  of  free  cities  with  their  adjacent 
districts,  and  in  part  out  of  petty  princedoms  depend- 
ent directly  upon  Rome.  The  victories  of  the  differ- 
ent Hasmonean  leaders  had  brought  many  of  these 
free  cities  into  subjection,  and  their  liberation  from 
Jewish  control  was  to  them  a  distinct  gain.  In  this 
system  of  free  cities  the  Romans  saw  the  means  of 
promoting  Hellenism  in  the  East.  They,  therefore, 
accorded  them  generous  treatment.  They  were  rec- 
ognized as  the  pillars  of  civilization,  granted  excep- 
tional privileges  in  the  way  of  self-government,  and 
seconded  in  all  their  commercial  and  literary  ambi- 
tions. Where,  from  the  calamities  of  war,  only  the 
ruins  of  such  Hellenic  centres  remained,  restoration  at 
once  began.  So  Samaria,  Scythopolis,  Dora,  Azotus, 
Anthedon,  Marissa,  Gaza,  and  Raphia  were  soon  re- 
built, as  well  as  Gadara,  Pella,  and  Dium.  The 
organization  of  the  Decapolis  by  Pompey  is  an  instance 
of  his   treatment  of   Hellenic  cities.     Opportunities 


156       THE  KOMAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

for  commerce   and   for    all   human  intercourse   were 
greatly  enlarged. 

162.  In  accord  with  these  varying  estimates  of 
Pompey's  mastery  in  Palestine  are  the  different  trends 
which  manifest  themselves  in  the  life  within  its 
borders.  Satisfied  in  the  possession  of  truth,  and 
with  their  hopes  of  a  brilliant  future,  the  Pharisees 
turned  away  from  national  affairs  to  the  elaboration 
of  the  law.  They  gave  themselves  up  to  the  work  of 
rounding  out  and  perfecting  their  religious  ideals,  a 
work  which,  as  we  shall  see,  had  both  a  bright  and  a 
dark  side.  The  people,  dissatisfied  with  their  politi- 
cal vassalage,  made  trouble  for  their  new  rulers,  and 
repeatedly  won  for  themselves  the  reputation  of  being 
exceptionally  fractious.  The  Hellenistic  centres  all 
about  the  now-restricted  province  of  Judea  entered 
with  rejoicing  upon  the  development  of  their  strength 
and  influence.  The  history  of  the  Roman  period  is 
the  history  of  the  interaction  and  outworking  of 
these  various  forces,  under  the  mastery  of  the  great 
western  power.  Deep  as  is  its  interest  when  view^ed 
as  the  last  period  of  the  nation's  existence,  it  is  all 
made  more  significant  by  the  fact  that  in  the  midst 
of  it  Jesus  lived  and  Christianity  was  born. 

163.  For  a  few  years  after  Pompey's  departure 
peace  reigned  in  Palestine.  The  Roman  general, 
Scaurus,  did  undertake  an  expedition  against  Aretas ; 
but  the  whole  episode  has  interest  more  from  the 
prominence  of  Antipater  in  it  than  from  the  result 
which  was  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Nabathean  king. 
The  crafty  Idumean  who  had  been  appointed  the  prime- 
minister  of  Hyrcanus  was  virtually  the  man  of  the 
hour  in  Judea.    The  first  manifestation  of  the  national 


THE  EUKTHER  SUBJUGATION  OF  JUDEA         157 

spirit  was  in  the  year  57  b.  c,  when  Alexander,  the 
son  of  Aristobulus,  having  escaped  from  the  guards 
while  on  the  way  to  Rome  as  a  captive,  appeared  in 
Judea  and  urged  his  countrymen  to  put  him  upon  the 
throne.  They  responded  with  an  army  of  ten  thou- 
sand foot  and  fifteen  hundred  horse.  Hyrcanus  was 
powerless,  and  only  the  timely  arrival  of  Gabinius, 
the  proconsul  of  Syria,  defeated  the  purposes  of 
Alexander.  In  an  engagement  at  Jerusalem  the  Jews 
lost  heavily,  and  Alexander  took  refuge  in  the  fortress 
of  Alexandrium.  This  he  was  finally  compelled  to 
give  up  with  the  other  Maccabean  strongholds,  Hyr- 
canium  and  Machserus,  which  he  had  fortified.  The 
first  attempt  to  gain  independence  failed  (Ant.  xiv. 
5,  2-4;   J.  W.  i.  8,  2-5). 

164.  Gabinius  determined  at  once  to  arrange  affairs 
so  that  a  second  attempt  would  have  even  less  hope  of 
success.  He  razed  to  the  ground  all  three  of  the  sur- 
rendered fortresses;  took  from  Hyrcanus  all  political 
administration,  leaving  him  simply  the  care  of  the 
temple,  and  then  introduced  a  change  in  the  form  of 
the  government  which  should  break  up,  if  possible,  the 
spirit  of  national  unity.  This  was  a  division  of  the 
country  into  five  districts,  each  of  which  was  to  be 
ruled  by  its  own  council.  This  council  was,  in  each 
case,  composed  of  leading  citizens  and  was  directly 
responsible  to  the  proconsul.  Jerusalem,  Gazara, 
Amathus,  Jericho,  and  Sepphoris  were  selected  as  the 
seats  of  these  new  councils.  Another  measure  for 
begetting  divisive  interests  was  the  rebuilding  of  old 
Hellenistic  centres  of  influence,  many  of  which  the 
Jews  had  destroyed.  Their  restoration  gave  large 
room   for  a  non-Jewish  population.     With  apparent 


158       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

satisfaction  Joseplius  mentions  the  fact  that  "the 
Jews  were  now  freed  from  kingly  rule  and  were  gov- 
erned by  an  aristocracy  "  (Ant.  xiv.  5,  4). 

165.  Hardly  had  Gabinius  completed  his  changes 
in  government  when  Aristobulus  himself,  who,  with 
his  son  Antigonus,  had  escaped  from  Rome,  involved 
the  country  in  another  revolution.  Many  of  the  Jews 
flocked  to  his  standard,  but  they  were  no  match  for 
the  disciplined  forces  of  the  Romans.  After  a  dis- 
astrous battle,  Aristobulus  fled  across  the  Jordan  and 
intrenched  himself  on  the  site  of  the  fortress  of 
Machserus.  Here  he  was  captured  and  sent  again  as 
a  prisoner  to  Rome.  His  children,  however,  were 
given  their  freedom  at  the  request  of  Gabinius  and 
returned  to  Judea. 

166.  While  Gabinius  was  away  upon  an  expedition 
to  Egypt,  Alexander  thought  it  a  good  time  to  try 
again  to  secure  the  sovereignty.  Once  more  the  Jews 
gathered  about  him,  and  before  the  Roman  army 
reached  Palestine  again  the  rebellion  had  gained  con- 
siderable headway.  Alexander  had  an  army  of  thirty 
thousand  and  was  eager  for  battle.  Antipater,  who 
had  been  helping  Gabinius  with  the  Egyptian  expedi- 
tion, was  sent  to  persuade  the  Jews  of  the  folly  of 
their  undertaking;  but  Alexander  would  listen  to 
nothing  but  war,  and,  in  the  battle  near  Mount  Tabor 
which  soon  followed,  was  hopelessly  defeated  (Ant. 
xiv.  6,  2-3).  The  result  of  this  reckless  effort  of 
Alexander  was  to  give  Antipater  a  surer  grasp  upon 
the  direction  of  affairs,  for  all  matters  in  Jerusalem 
were  arranged  according  to  his  wishes.  Hyrcanus  was 
becoming  more  and  more  the  mere  tool  of  his  shrewd 
prime  minister. 


THE  JEWS  UNDER   CRASSUS  159 

167.    Meanwhile  a  change  of  wide-reaching  signifi- 
cance had  been  brought  about  in  Rome  itself.     Julius 
Ceesar,  Pompey,  and  Crassus,  distinguished  respectively 
for  mental  power,  military  successes,  and  astonishing 
wealth,  had   formed   a   triumvirate  with   the  express 
purpose  of  breaking  the  power  of  the  Roman  Senate 
and  aristocracy,  and  directing  the  government  accord- 
ing to  their  wishes.     As  the  outcome  of  this  scheme, 
Pompey,  with  the  rank  of  consul,  became,  in  55  B.  c, 
the  administrator  of  the  affairs  of  Spain,  and  Crassus, 
with  the  same  rank,  of  Syria.     Crassus  was  particu- 
larly anxious   for   military  glory,  and   an   expedition 
against  the  Parthians  seemed  the  best  way  to  secure  it. 
The  Jews  now  became  acquainted  with  another  sort  of 
Roman.     Pompey  and  Gabinius  had  indeed  outraged 
the  religious  sense  of  the  people,  but  they  had  scru- 
pulously kept  their  hands  off  the  temple  treasures. 
Eleazar,    the    guardian    of    these    treasures,    fearing 
Crassus,  tried  to  save  them  by  a  costly  present  to  him, 
and  Crassus  promised,  upon  the  receipt  of  it,  to  touch 
nothing  else.     In  shameless  violation  of  his  word,  he 
carried  away  everything  of  value  that  he  could  find. 
Fortunately   Judea   was    relieved    from    any   further 
rapacity,  for   the  ambitious    consul   lost  most   of   his 
army  and  his  life  in  Parthia.     Cassius,  his  lieutenant, 
led  back  the  remnant  of  the  army  into  Syria,  and  soon 
found  out  that  he  had  serious  work  before  him  in  not 
only  keeping  the  Parthians  out  of  Syria,  but  also  in 
putting  down  another  revolt  of  the  Jews  which  re- 
sulted from  the  robbery  committed  by  Crassus.     The 
decisive    encounter   with    the    Jews    took    place    at 
Tariche^,  on  the  Lake  of  Galilee,  in  52  b.  c.     The 
Jews  were  defeated,  their  leader,  Pitholaus,  put  to 


160       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

death  at  the  instigation  of  Antipater,  and  thirty  thou- 
sand of  them  sold  into  slavery.  Thus  within  five 
years  four  insurrections  expressed  the  restless  spirit 
of  the  people  under  the  Roman  rule.  In  part  this 
restlessness  was  due  to  the  effrontery  of  the  Romans 
themselves ;  in  part  it  Avas  the  outcome  of  that  patriot- 
ism which  was  easily  enkindled  by  some  inspiring 
word  from  one  of  the  old  and  honored  Hasmonean 
house. 

168.  In  the  year  49  b.  c.  began  that  critical  period 
in  the  history  of  Rome,  —  the  period  of  the  civil  wars. 
The  death  of  Pompey's  wife,  Julia,  the  daughter  of 
Julius  Csesar,  severed  the  last  tie  which  held  these 
two  great  leaders  together  and  the  struggle  for  suprem- 
acy commenced.  Plutarch  gives  us  the  interesting 
picture  of  Csesar,  at  the  banks  of  the  Rubicon,  weigh- 
ing the  issues  of  his  critical  position  and  hesitating  to 
bring  upon  the  world  the  calamities  which  his  cross- 
ing would  involve.  "At  last,  upon  some  sudden 
impulse,  bidding  adieu  to  his  reasonings  and  plunging 
into  the  abyss  of  futurity,  in  the  words  of  those  who 
embark  in  doubtful  and  arduous  enterprises,  he  cried 
out,  'The  die  is  cast!'  and  immediately  passed  the 
river."  Soon  after  he  was  master  of  all  Italy,  while 
Pompey  and  the  aristocratic  party  of  the  Senate  were 
"beyond  the  Ionian  Sea."  It  has  been  said  that  from 
Caesar's  crossing  the  Rubicon  down  to  the  death  of 
Antony,  49-30  B.  c,  the  whole  history  of  Rome  was 
reflected  in  the  history  of  Syria  and  also  in  that  of 
Palestine,  every  change  and  turn  in  the  Roman  his- 
tory being  answered  by  a  corresponding  movement  in 
Syrian  history  (SchUrer). 

169.  Hyrcanus  and  Antipater  had  been  careful  to 


THE  DEFEAT  OF  POMPEY  BY  C^SAR  161 

keep  in  favor  with  the  subordinates  of  Pompey.  From 
the  changed  conditions  in  Rome  Avere  now  to  be  ex- 
pected only  overthrow  and  death,  if  Caesar's  first 
move  was  to  be  an  index  of  his  whole  line  of  action, 
for  he  released  Aristobulus  and  gave  him  two  legions 
with  which  to  set  matters  right  in  his  own  hand. 
Had  not  the  adherents  of  Pompey  poisoned  the  hapless 
king  and  at  the  same  time  beheaded  his  son  Alex- 
ander, who  could  have  taken  up  his  father's  cause, 
the  days  of  Hyrcanus  might  have  been  short. 

170.  On  the  9th  of  August,  48  b.  c,  the  armies 
of  the  great  rivals  came  together  on  the  plains  of 
Pharsalia  and  Pompey  was  defeated.  From  the  battle- 
field he  fled  to  Egypt,  where  he  was  basely  murdered 
just  as  he  was  about  to  step  on  shore.  Antipater's 
conduct  was  now  strictly  in  accord  with  the  genius  of 
his  house.  He  changed  sides.  This  easy  method  of 
getting  on  would  have  availed  him  but  little  had  not 
his  keen  watchfulness  found  opportunities  to  make 
him  really  serviceable  to  his  friends.  Such  opportu- 
nities now  opened  up  to  him  in  this  way:  Caesar 
followed  Pompey  to  Egypt  with  a  small  force,  and, 
instead  of  sailing  away,  as  it  was  expected  he  would 
do  on  learning  of  the  death  of  Pompey,  he  attempted 
a  settlement  of  the  trouble  existing  between  Cleo- 
patra and  her  brother.  These  two,  by  the  will  of 
their  father,  Ptolemy  Auletes,  had  been  made  joint 
rulers  in  Egypt,  but  the  young  king  had  been  per- 
suaded by  his  advisers  to  depose  his  sister.  In  Syria, 
whither  she  went  as  an  exile,  she  raised  an  army  and 
returned  by  the  way  of  Pelusium,  determined  to 
reclaim  her  share  of  the  throne.  Caesar,  being  fasci- 
nated by  the  queen  from  the  moment  he  first  saw  her, 

11 


162       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

at  once  espoused  her  cause.  After  many  vicissitudes 
Cajsar  found  himself  with  his  small  force  in  close 
quarters  in  Alexandria,  since  not  only  the  city  was 
against  him,  but  also  the  Roman  troops  stationed  in 
Egypt.  He  therefore  sent  to  Mithridates  of  Per- 
gamum  for  assistance,  and  while  waiting  for  his  arrival 
was  involved  in  several  serious  engagements.  At 
length  Mithridates  appeared,  and  Csesar  effected  a 
junction  with  him  at  Memphis,  where  the  Egyptian 
forces  were  defeated  and  Alexandria  thus  put  com- 
pletely at  his  mercy.  Csesar  generously  forgave  the 
city,  arranged  governmental  affairs  to  the  satisfaction 
of  Cleopatra,  and  left  a  strong  Roman  garrison  to 
maintain  order. 

171.  If  the  account  of  Josephus  may  be  trusted,  An- 
tipater,  on  four  different  occasions,  proved  the  sincerity 
and  value  of  his  new  allegiance.  First  he  brought  to 
Mithridates,  while  he  was  hesitating  at  Ascalon,  a 
large  reinforcement  of  Arabians,  Syrians,  and  Jews, 
and  thus  enabled  the  king  to  continue  his  march  to 
Pelusium.  Then  at  Pelusium  he  distinguished  him- 
self by  making  the  first  breach  in  the  wall  and  thus 
securing  the  capture  of  the  city.  Arriving  in  Egypt, 
he  influenced  the  Jews  to  espouse  the  cause  of  Caesar; 
and,  lastly,  by  his  skill  and  bravery,  he  turned  the 
tide  of  battle  near  Memphis  and  made  it  possible  for 
Caesar  to  join  the  allies  and  thus  to  rout  the  Egyptians 
(Ant.  xiv.  8,  1,  2). 

172.  Such  distinguished  service  could  not  fail  of 
high  reward.  Upon  his  visit  shortly  after  to  Syria, 
Caesar  gave  to  Antipater  the  privilege  of  Roman 
citizenship  and  freedom  from  all  tribute,  and  also 
confirmed  him  in  his  position  of  prime  minister   to 


CiESAK'S  FAVORS  TO  THE  JEWS  163 

Hyrcanus.  According  to  Josephus  (Ant.  xiv.  8,  3), 
Hyrcanus  accompanied  Antipater  into  Egypt,  and 
Caesar's  letter  to  the  Sidonians  (Ant.  xiv.  10,  2)  gives 
the  credit  of  the  Egyptian  successes  to  the  high-priest. 
This  'acknowledgment  can  be  true  only  indirectly, 
nevertheless,  Hyrcanus  received  a  worthy  share  of  the 
reward.  Antigonus,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  appeared 
before  Caesar  and  pressed  his  claims  to  recognition, 
but  by  a  clever  speech  Antipater  refuted  all  his  pre- 
tensions, and  he  was  ignominiously  dismissed.  Polit- 
ical authority  was  given  back  to  Hyrcanus,  and  his 
position  as  ethnarch  and  high-priest  was  declared 
hereditary.  The  division  of  the  land  into  districts, 
as  arranged  by  Gabinius,  was  abolished.  Jerusalem 
was  made  the  centre  of  jurisdiction  for  the  land,  and 
in  all  Jewish  matters  the  Jews  themselves  were  given 
arbitration.  Not  only  did  they  thus  gain  judicial  free- 
dom, but  religious  liberty  also  was  assured  them  both 
at  home  and  throughout  the  East.  In  Palestine  they 
were  exempted  from  military  service  in  the  legions 
and  relieved  from  supporting  the  Roman  garrisons. 
They  were  excused  from  the  tribute  placed  upon  them 
by  Pompey.  They  were  allowed  to  rebuild  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem  and  Joppa;  Lydda  and  other  places 
which  Pompey  had  taken  from  them  were  restored. 
It  was  with  good  reason  that  the  Jews,  above  all 
other  foreign  peoples,  mourned  a  few  years  later  the 
death  of  Caesar.  Their  lamentation  was  heard  not 
only  in  Judea,  but  in  Egypt,  where  he  had  confirmed  all 
the  much-prized  privileges  of  the  nation ;  in  Asia  Minor, 
where  he  had  guaranteed  them  full  religious  freedom, 
and  in  Rome  itself,  where  his  memory  was  held  by 
them  in  high  honor  (Ant.  xiv.  10,  1,  8,  20-24). 


164       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

173.  There  was,  however,  one  serious  offset  to  all 
these  gracious  concessions.  Antipater  was  made  more 
fully  than  ever  the  man  of  power.  Especially  was  he 
offensive  to  the  Jewish  aristocracy,  who  viewed  with 
increasing  jealousy  his  growing  power.  Antipater 
determined,  nevertheless,  to  make  himself  master  of 
the  situation,  and  in  a  tour  of  the  country,  soon  after 
Caesar's  departure,  gave  the  people  to  understand  that 
they  could  either  accept  him  and  have  peace,  or  by 
rebellion  bring  down  upon  their  heads  the  combined 
power  of  himself,  Hyrcanus,  and  the  Eomans.  He 
then  appointed  his  eldest  son,  Phasael,  governor  of 
Jerusalem  and  the  places  in  its  vicinity,  and  Herod, 
his  next  son,  governor  in  Galilee. 

174.  From  the  very  first  appearance  of  the  name  of 
this  young  governor  of  Galilee  interest  in  him  begins 
and  deepens.  Restless  and  daring  in  spirit,  of  splen- 
did physique,  and  with  a  training  and  ambition  that 
fitted  him  to  command,  he  accepted  with  eagerness 
the  governorship  of  Galilee,  and  immediately  set  about 
the  deliverance  of  the  region  from  a  formidable  robber 
band  that  for  some  time  had  been  a  terror  to  the  whole 
country.  In  this  he  was  completely  successful,  and 
won  the  gratitude  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  northern 
Palestine  as  well  as  that  of  the  Syrian  proconsul, 
Sextus  Caesar.  In  Jerusalem,  however,  the  affair  was 
looked  upon  in  quite  another  light.  Herod  had  with 
summary  justice  put  to  death  Hezekiah,  the  chief  of 
the  robbers,  and  many  of  his  band.  In  so  doing  he 
had  infringed  upon  the  rights  of  the  Sanhedrin,  to 
which  alone  belonged  the  power  to  pass  the  death  sen- 
tence. It  was  the  opportunity  for  the  aristocracy  to 
assert  itself  and  at  :the  same  time  to  check  the  ambi- 


HEROD'S  CONTEST  WITH  THE   SANHEDRIN       165 

tious  designs  of  the  Idumean  family.  They  repeat- 
edly pictured  to  Hyrcanus  the  dangerous  character  of 
Antipater  and  his  sons,  and  urged  him  to  summon 
Herod  to  trial.  At  length  Hyrcanus  yielded,  and 
Herod  came  to  Jerusalem,  but  not  in  the  garb  of  a 
suppliant.  Upon  the  advice  of  his  father,  he  appeared 
surrounded  with  a  body-guard  and  with  a  purple  robe 
thrown  over  his  bright  armor.  The  Sanhedrin  was 
abashed  for  a  few  moments.  Not  a  word  was  spoken; 
out  of  sheer  fright  they  might  have  allowed  Herod  to 
go,  had  not  the  celebrated  Pharisee,  Sameas,  aroused 
the  court  to  a  sense  of  duty  by  warning  them  that 
they  would  simply  insure  their  own  ruin  in  passing 
over  such  defiance  of  the  law.  Recovering  from  the 
shock  of  Herod's  audacity,  they  were  ready  to  proceed 
to  his  condemnation  when  Hyrcanus,  who  had  received 
word  from  Sextus  Coesar  to  discharge  the  prisoner, 
adjourned  the  session  and  secretly  warned  Herod  to 
get  away  from  the  city.  Herod  withdrew  to  Damas- 
cus and  was  appointed  by  Sextus  Caesar  military  gov- 
ernor of  Coele-Syria.  He  was  not  the  man,  however, 
to  submit  tamely  to  such  treatment  as  the  Sanhedrin 
had  given  him,  especially  at  a  time  when  he  believed 
he  had  behind  him  the  good-will  of  the  people  and  the 
Roman  governor.  He  gathered  together  his  army  and 
marched  to  Jerusalem  with  the  determination  to  over- 
throw Hyrcanus.  Only  the  most  urgent  appeals  of 
his  father  and  brother  prevented  him  from  executing 
his  purpose ;  and  when  he  returned  to  Galilee  he  had 
the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  he  had  inspired  his 
opponents  with  a  wholesome  respect  for  his  power. 
Virtually  the  fate  of  the  Hasmonean  aristocratic  party 
was  now  sealed.     With  this  first  appearance  of  the 


166       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

word  "Sanhedrin"  in  Josephus  comes  also  the  last 
sign  of  its  independence.  The  prophecy  in  the  warn- 
ing of  Sameas  was  to  have  literal  fulfilment,  and  then 
the  Sanhedrin  was  to  become  subservient  to  the  powers 
in  command.  Though  this  prophecy  of  its  ruin  was 
uttered  by  a  Pharisee,  the  Pharisees  as  a  body  had 
withdrawn  from  active  interest  in  the  affairs  of  state. 
Their  attitude  is  expressed  in  the  maxim  of  this  same 
rabbi  Sameas,  or  Shemaiah :  "  Love  work,  eschew  domi- 
nation, and  hold  aloof  from  the  civil  power." 

175.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  Phasael  was  in  high 
favor  in  Jerusalem  because  of  his  wise  and  careful 
administration,  and  that  Herod  was  both  feared  and 
respected  because  of  his  ability  and  power,  Antipater 
had  every  reason  to  congratulate  himself  upon  the 
strength  of  his  hold  upon  Judea.  Fidelity  to  the 
Roman  power  and  a  judicious  use  of  opportunities 
would  give  him  ultimately  all  he  could  hope  for  or 
wish.  Suddenly,  on  the  15th  of  March,  44  b.  c,  the 
whole  world  was  startled  by  the  assassination  of  Caesar. 
Palestine  was  involved  in  the  consequent  political 
confusion  and  became  anew  the  scene  of  rivalries, 
intrigues,  and  war. 

176.  Mark  Antony's  decisive  action  compelled  the 
leaders  of  the  conspiracy  to  flee  from  Rome.  Of  these 
Brutus  turned  to  Macedonia  for  help;  Cassius  to 
Syria,  the  governorship  of  which  he  had  received  from 
Csesar.  He  arrived  in  Syria  to  find  a  bitter  strife  in 
progress  between  the  partisans  of  Pompey  and  Caesar, 
but  the  leaders  of  both  parties  were  induced  to  join 
him,  and  thus  put  at  his  command  a  large  fighting 
force.  In  order  to  get  money  for  their  support,  he 
laid  heavy  taxes  upon  the  cities  and  provinces.     From 


THE  MURDER  OF  ANTIPATER  167 

Judea  he  demanded  the  enormous  sum  of  seven  hun- 
dred talents,  and  because  Gophna,  Emmaus,  Lydda, 
and  Thamna  failed  in  their  contributions,  he  sold  the 
inhabitants  as  slaves.  Herod,  anxious  as  ever  to 
further  his  own  interests  by  keeping  the  good-will  of 
the  Romans,  made  haste  to  pay  over  his  share  of  one 
hundred  talents,  and  his  prompt  response  gained  him 
not  only  the  governorship  of  Coele-Syria,  but  also  the 
promise  of  the  kingship  of  Judea,  if  fortune  favored 
the  arms  of  Cassius. 

177.  For  Antipater  the  outcome  was  far  different. 
A  certain  Malichus,  a  friend  of  Hyrcanus,  strength- 
ened the  suspicions  of  the  high-priest  that  the  Idu- 
means  were  diligently  seeking  their  own  advancement 
and  sought  to  supplant  Antipater  in  his  position  of 
influence.  He  had  not  the  means  nor  the  power  to 
accomplish  this  openly,  and  so  he  persuaded  the  but- 
ler of  Hyrcanus  to  kill  Antipater  by  poison  during 
the  feast  to  which  Hyrcanus  had  invited  them.  It 
was  too  late,  however,  to  stop  the  rising  power  of 
the  Herodian  house,  as  Malichus  soon  discovered. 
Furthermore,  the  dastardly  deed  took  away  a  man  of 
wisdom  and  power.  There  are  two  possible  points 
of  view  for  estimating  the  character  and  work  of 
Antipater.  Josephus  praises  him  as  a  man  of  piety, 
justice,  and  patriotism  (Ant.  xiv.  11,  4).  Bearing  in 
mind  the  troublous  times  in  which  he  lived,  and  the 
value  of  his  shifting  policy  in  saving  the  nation  from 
greater  oppression,  it  is  possible  to  understand  this 
tribute.  Viewed  from  the  Roman  point  of  outlook, 
he  served  Judea,  in  the  main,  wisely  and  well.  It 
nevertheless  remains  true  that  he  was  instrumental,  by 
his   strength  and  self-seeking  conduct  of  affairs,  in 


168       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OE  JEWISH  HISTORY 

bringing  his  family  far  along  the  way  toward  complete 
supremacy  in  Judea,  —  a  result  which  certainly  did 
not  prove  a  blessing.  Malichus,  while  in  the  midst 
of  his  schemes  to  secure  for  himself  the  government  of 
Judea,  paid  for  his  folly  by  death  at  the  hands  of 
assassins  hired  by  Herod. 

178.  Meanwhile  matters  were  again  coming  to  a 
crisis  in  the  Koman  world.  Octavian,  the  nephew  of 
Julius  Caesar,  was  ambitious  to  take  his  uncle's  place, 
and  joined  with  Mark  Antony  against  the  conspira- 
tors. In  the  autumn  of  42.  b.  c.  the  hostile  armies 
met  at  Philippi,  and  Brutus  and  Cassius  were  de- 
feated. The  successful  leaders  divided  the  sover- 
eignty of  the  Roman  Empire,  and  Antony  became  the 
ruler  of  the  eastern  half.  The  departure  of  Cassius 
from  Syria  in  the  earlier  part  of  this  same  year, 
42  B.  c,  had  been  the  signal  for  the  first  uprisings  in 
Syria,  —  one  against  Phasael,  which  he  himself  vigor- 
ously put  down,  and  another  by  Antigonus,  the  son 
of  Aristobulus,  to  secure  the  sovereignty  of  Palestine, 
which  was  frustrated  by  Herod.  The  two  brothers 
were  virtually  now  the  masters  of  Judea.  Herod  had 
strengthened  himself  by  alliance  with  the  Hasmonean 
house  through  his  betrothal  with  Mariamne,  the  beau- 
tiful granddaughter  of  Hyrcanus.  Then  came  the 
news  of  the  overthrow  of  Cassius !  The  Jewish  aris- 
tocracy determined  to  use  this  opportunity  of  change  in 
masters  to  rid  the  land  of  these  usurpers,  and  quickly 
sent  deputations  to  Antony  in  Bithynia  and  later  in 
Syria.  But  Antony  had  been  the  friend  of  Antipater, 
and  Herod  himself  well  knew  how  to  make  his  plea 
effective.  "Who  governs  the  nation  best?"  asked 
Antony  of   Hyrcanus,  who  was  with  the  delegation 


THE   RE-ESTABLISHMENT  OF  HEROD'S  RULE    169 

sent  to  Syria.  "Herod  and  his  party,"  replied  Hyr- 
canus.  "  Then  shall  he  and  Phasael  be  tetrarchs  and 
have  full  charge  of  affairs  in  Judea,"  declared  Antony, 
and  the  other  indignant  delegates  were  bundled  off 
withoat  ceremony.  Again  Hyrcanus  was  stripped  of 
all  political  authority.  He  became  simply  high-priest. 
For  twenty-three  years  his  harmlessness  had  kept  him 
in  the  nominal  headship  of  the  nation.  Not  much 
longer  was  he  to  have  even  that  honor,  for  in  a  year's 
time  the  Parthians  came,  and  an  entirely  new  order  of 
affairs  obtained  in  Palestine. 


Ill 

TETE  LAST  OF  THE  HASMONEANS 

179.  Among  all  the  foreign  powers  in  the  East 
with  whom  the  Romans  had  contended  for  mastery, 
one  had  proved  quite  their  equal  in  warlike  prowess 
and  valor.  That  was  Parthia.  Her  terrible  horse- 
men, whose  extraordinary  expertness  in  riding  was 
matched  by  their  skill  in  the  use  of  the  bow,  were 
especially  dreaded,  and,  as  a  rule,  the  Romans  were 
content  to  repel  their  ravages  without  seeking  revenge. 
Before  the  battle  of  Philippi,  Cassius  had  sought  their 
assistance,  and  although  the  battle  was  fatal  to  the 
republican  cause,  still  those  in  sympathy  with  it  per- 
suaded the  Parthian  King  Orodes  to  make  an  invasion 
into  Syria.  This  he  did  in  the  year  41  B.  c,  joining 
the  Romans  who  were  hostile  to  Antony,  and  occupy- 
ing all  northern  Syria. 

180.  To  Antigonus  it  seemed  the  opportune  time  to 
make  one  more  final  effort  to  regain  the  throne.  In 
this  purpose  he  had  the  cordial  seconding  of  the  aris- 
tocracy in  Jerusalem,  who  were  willing  to  risk  accept- 
ing even  the  rule  of  the  Parthians,  for  the  sake  of 
getting  rid  of  Herod.  Accordingly,  he  made  large 
promises  to  the  Parthian  generals,  to  be  fulfilled  if 
they  would  take  the  government  from  Hyrcanus  and 
give  it  to  him,  and  at  the  same  time  kill  Herod.  The 
invading  army  marched  southward  in  two  divisions, 


THE  REBELLION  AGAINST  HEROD  AND  PHASAEL  171 

Pacorus  leading  one  along  the  coast,  and  Barzapharnes 
the  other  through  the  interior.  At  Mount  Carmei 
Antigonus  was  met  by  a  company  of  Jews,  who 
wished  to  march  with  him  into  Judea.  All  along 
the  way  others  joined  him,  until  a  considerable  force 
supported  him  in  the  daily  encounters  which  took 
place  in  Jerusalem  between  his  men  and  the  adher- 
ents of  Herod  and  Phasael.  Herod  obtained  the  first 
evidence  of  the  dislike  of  the  people  toward  him,  for 
the  multitude  which  came  up  to  the  Feast  of  Pente- 
cost, held  at  this  time,  compelled  him  to  retreat  into 
the  fortress  on  the  north  side  of  the  temple  area, 
whence  he  made  destructive  sallies  upon  the  people 
encamped  in  the  suburbs.  In  the  mean  time  a  body 
of  Parthian  horsemen  arrived  under  the  command  of 
Pacorus,  the  king's  cup-bearer,  and  Antigonus  per- 
suaded Phasael  to  allow  him  to  enter  the  city  with  a 
few  of  his  horsemen,  ostensibly  "to  still  the  sedition," 
but  really  to  persuade  Phasael  to  go  to  the  camp  of 
Barzapharnes  in  Galilee,  there  to  arrange  the  terms  of 
peace.  It  was  but  a  plot  to  get  possession  of  Phasael 
and  Hyrcanus,  which  was  completely  successful;  for, 
despite  the  earnest  warnings  of  Herod,  the  two  princes 
accompanied  Pacorus  and  were  put  in  irons  soon  after 
their  arrival  in  the  hostile  camp.  This  was  not,  how- 
ever, before  they  had  time  to  see  that  all  Galilee  was 
in  rebellion  against  the  Herods. 

181.  At  Jerusalem  two  hundred  Parthian  horsemen 
and  ten  of  their  nobles  were,  meanwhile,  watching  the 
movements  of  Herod.  So  successful  had  been  the 
cup-bearer  in  deceiving  Phasael  that  he  was  sent  back 
to  entrap  Herod,  but  the  news  of  the  treachery  in 
Galilee  preceded  him,  and  Herod,  confirmed  in  all  his 


172       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

suspicions,  felt  that  his  only  safety  was  in  flight. 
Secretly  and  at  night  he  left  Jerusalem  with  his 
future  bride,  Mariamne,  and  the  members  of  his  fam- 
ily, accompanied  by  the  troops  he  then  had  at  com- 
mand. His  objective  point  was  the  almost  inaccessible 
fortress  of  Masada,  at  the  southern  end  of  the  Dead 
Sea.  The  march  was  beset  with  difficulties;  and 
though  Herod  at  first  was  stout  of  heart,  he  was 
with  difficulty  dissuaded  at  one  time  from  taking  his 
own  life.  At  a  place  where  afterward  he  built  a 
palace  fortress,  named  Herodium,  he  successfully  re- 
pelled an  attack  of  the  Jews  and  finally  reached 
Masada,  which  he  put  in  charge  of  his  brother  Joseph 
(Ant.  xiv.  13,  7-9). 

182.  Antigonus  was  now  master  of  the  situation. 
His  coins  were  stamped  with  the  title  "  King  "  on  one 
side,  and  "High-Priest"  on  the  other.  But  he  was 
not  the  man  for  the  critical  position  to  which  he  had 
been  suddenly  lifted  by  the  Parthians.  An  excep- 
tional opportunity  in  the  very  support  of  these  bar- 
barians was  given  him  for  winning  the  friendship  of 
Rome.  The  latter  power  would  have  unquestionably 
ignored  Herod  in  its  readiness  to  secure  a  helpful  alliance 
against  these  dreaded  bowmen.  Then,  too,  the  inhab- 
itants in  the  mountains  of  Galilee  were  ready  to  uphold 
him,  and  among  other  places  fortified  Sepphoris  in  his 
interests.  But,  as  has  been  truly  said,  "he  was  neither 
a  statesman  nor  a  general.  His  entire  energy  spent 
itself  in  petty  concerns,  and  his  overmastering  passion 
was  for  revenge  against  Herod."  When  Hyrcanus 
and  Phasael  were  handed  over  to  him  by  Barzapharnes, 
he  cut  off  the  high-priest's  ears  to  disqualify  him  from 
further  service,  and  then  had  him  carried  away  as  a 


HEROD  AS  A  FUGITIVE  IN  EGYPT  AND  ROME  173 

captive  by  the  Parthians,  and  Phasael  escaped  his 
vengeance  only  by  killing  himself  (Ant.  xiv.  13,  10). 
While  Antigonus  was  engaged  in  besieging  Masada, 
events  were  taking  place  which  were  destined  to  change 
the  whole  current  of  affairs. 

183.  After  leaving  his  brother  in  charge  of  Masada, 
Herod  turned  to  Petra  to  get  from  Malchus,  the  suc- 
cessor of  Aretas,  his  father's  friend,  enough  money  to 
ransom  his  brother  Phasael,  whom  he  believed  to 
be  still  alive.  Malchus,  from  fear  of  the  Parthians, 
refused  to  receive  him,  and  the  disappointed  fugitive 
hastened  on  to  Egypt.  Here  he  hoped  to  find  Antony, 
who  had  given  himself  up  to  the  enchantments  of 
Cleopatra,  and  in  complete  indifference  to  the  inroads 
of  the  Parthians,  was  spending  his  days  in  a  round 
of  pleasure  and  dissipation.  Again  Herod  was  disap- 
pointed, for  Antony  had  at  last  come  to  a  realization 
of  his  danger  and  had  gone  to  Tyre,  the  only  city  in 
Syria  which  had  not  been  taken  by  the  Parthians. 
Cleopatra  offered  Herod  the  position  of  commander  in 
an  expedition  just  then  starting  out  from  Egypt,  but 
his  ambition  was  in  quite  another  direction,  and,  de- 
clining all  honors,  he  took  ship  for  Rome.  Here  he 
met  Antony,  who  had  hastened  back  to  Italy  upon 
learning  in  Tyre  that  his  wife,  Fulvia,  had  imperilled 
his  position  at  home  by  a  quarrel  with  Octavian  (Dio 
Cassius  xlviii.  4;  Suetonius,  "Octavianus  "  xiv.-xv.). 
Antony  was  moved  by  the  recital  of  Herod's  wrongs 
and  hardships,  and  "  partly  because  he  called  to  mind 
the  friendship  he  had  had  with  Antipater,  partly 
because  Herod  offered  him  money  to  make  him  king, 
but  chiefly  because  of  his  hatred  to  Antigonus,  whom 
he  took  to  be  a  seditious  person  and  an  enemy  to  the 


174       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Romans  "  (Ant.  xiv.  14,  4),  he  promised  Herod  all 
needed  assistance.  This  promise  was  heartily  seconded 
by  Octavian,  who,  before  Herod's  arrival,  had  been 
completely  reconciled  to  Antony.  In  a  meeting  of 
the  Senate  Herod's  case  was  so  urgently  presented  as 
worthy  of  the  support  of  Rome  that  a  decree  was 
unanimously  passed  making  him  king  of  Judea.  The 
happy  man  left  the  Senate-house,  walking  between 
Antony  and  Octavian,  and  went  with  them  to  the 
temple  of  Jupiter  on  the  Capitol  to  offer  sacrifice,  in 
accordance  with  the  custom  of  the  Roman  officials  on 
their  entrance  upon  office  (Ant.  xiv.  14,  1-5).  Per- 
haps no  one  was  more  astonished  at  the  sudden  and 
amazing  change  in  his  fortunes  than  Herod  himself. 
To  be  sure,  he  was  king  only  in  name,  but  opportunity 
and  energy  might  substantiate  the  name,  and  so,  fore- 
going all  that  Rome  had  to  offer  him,  he  left  Italy 
within  a  week  after  his  arrival.  This  was  in  the 
autumn  of  the  year  40  b.  c. 

184.  In  the  spring  of  39  B.  ,c.,  he  landed  at  Ptole- 
mais  and  began  the  arduous  work  of  conquest.  Natu- 
rally his  first  anxiety  was  for  Masada,  which  was  still 
under  siege,  but  prudence  demanded  that  he  should 
not  at  first  strike  across  a  hostile  country,  leaving 
enemies  to  gather  in  from  all  sides  behind  him.  The 
plundering  of  the  Parthians  in  Galilee  had  created  a 
state  of  unrest  which  turned  to  his  advantage,  and  as 
he  advanced  down  through  the  country,  his  army  grew 
larger  each  day.  As  soon  as  this  northern  province 
was  brought  under  control,  he  turned  his  attention 
to  Joppa,  another  strategic  point  upon  his  march 
toward  the  south,  and  one  particularly  hostile  to  him 
(Ant.   XV.   15,   1).    ^he  city  soon  capitulated,   and 


HEROD'S  ATTEMPTS  TO  RECONQUER  JUDEA  175 

then  the  way  was  open  to  Masada,  which  was  speedily 
and  easily  relieved.  His  success  itself  now  became 
attractive,  and  many  came  to  his  standard  for  what 
they  hoped  to  gain  from  him  when  he  actually  became 
king.  Hitherto  the  Romans  had  given  him  but  in- 
different assistance. 

185.  He  felt  himself,  however,  strong  enough  to 
move  upon  the  capital,  and  pitched  his  camp  on  the 
west  side  of  Jerusalem.  Had  Silo,  the  Roman  gen- 
eral, vigorously  supported  him,  the  capture  of  the 
city  would  have  been  an  easy  achievement,  but  the 
bribes  of  Antigonus  induced  the  Roman  to  cause  delay 
by  setting  his  troops  to  clamor  for  supplies  and  to 
insist  upon  withdrawing  into  winter  quarters.  They 
even  plundered  the  city  of  Jericho,  where  Herod  had 
gathered  for  them  a  quantity  of  provisions,  and  then 
they  refused  to  act  until  spring.  But  Herod  himself 
took  no  rest.  With  a  vigor  and  ingenuity  character- 
istic of  him,  he  subdued  the  large  robber  bands  which 
infested  the  mountains  of  Galilee,  and  at  the  same 
time  provided  against  any  possible  revolutions  in  Idu- 
mea  by  sending  his  brother  Joseph  with  a  large  de- 
tachment of  troops  to  oversee  that  section  (Ant.  xiv. 
15,  4,  5). 

186.  While  Herod  was  busy  in  Galilee,  Silo  was 
summoned  to  help  Ventidius  repel  a  first  attack  of  the 
Parthians  upon  Syria,  and  as  soon  as  this  was  accom- 
plished, a  large  detachment  under  the  command  of  a 
general  Machserus  was  sent  to  the  assistance  of  Herod. 
Double-dealing  on  the  part  of  this  leader  made  Herod 
very  angry,  and  he  lost  all  hope  of  proper  help  and 
advancement,  unless  he  made  appeal  directly  to 
Antony,  who  just  at  this  time  was  engaged  in  the 


176       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

siege  of  Samosata,  a  city  near  the  Euphrates.  Both 
on  the  way  and  at  Samosata  itself,  Herod's  skill  and 
bravery  placed  Antony  under  fresh  obligations  to  him, 
and  Sosius,  the  successor  of  Ventidius,  was  com- 
manded to  see  to  it  that  Herod  had  efficient  assistance 
(Ant.  xiv.  15,  7-9). 

187.  A  speedy  settlement  of  the  contest  for  the 
throne  seemed  now  possible,  but  Herod,  upon  his 
return,  found  that  he  had  lost  all  that  had  been  gained 
before  his  departure.  His  brother  Joseph,  contrary 
to  express  instructions,  had  risked  an  engagement 
with  Antigonus  near  Jericho,  in  which  he  was  de- 
feated and  slain.  Antigonus  sent  his  head  to  Herod. 
The  victory  had  again  aroused  the  Galileans,  who  had 
drowned  in  the  lake  many  of  Herod's  adherents. 
When  one  adds  to  these  calamities  the  fact  of  threaten- 
ing unrest  in  Idumea,  the  outlook  was  dark  enough. 
With  his  accustomed  resoluteness,  however,  Herod 
began  over  again,  and  soon  had  Galilee  under  control. 
At  Isana,  a  little  north  of  Bethel,  he  gained  the  mas- 
tery of  the  whole  land,  except  Jerusalem,  by  a  deci- 
sive and  bloody  victory  over  a  part  of  the  forces  of 
Antigonus.  The  head  of  the  defeated  general,  Pappus, 
was  sent  to  Antigonus  in  revenge  for  the  treatment  of 
Joseph.  Only  the  coming  on  of  winter  prevented  him 
from  attacking  Jerusalem  (Ant.  xiv.  Ie5,  11,  12). 

188.  In  the  spring  of  37  B.  c.  the  siege  of  the  capi- 
tal began,  and  Herod  followed  the  tactics  of  Pompey. 
The  suburbs  were  destroyed,  and  orders  were  given 
for  the  erection  of  military  engines  with  which  to 
assault  the  north  side  of  the  city.  While  these  were 
being  constructed,  Herod  himself  went  into  Samaria 
to  celebrate  his  marriage  with  Mariamne,  to  whom  he 


HEROD'S  CAPTURE  OF  JERUSALEM  177 

had  been  betrothed  five  years  before.  It  was  an  event 
well  timed  to  make  his  accession  more  palatable,  if 
possible,  for  it  gave  him  the  advantage  of  the  connec- 
tion with  the  Hasmonean  house. 

189.  Upon  his  return  to  Jerusalem,  Sosius  appeared 
with  a  large  force,  and  the  two  leaders  made  a  joint 
attack  upon  the  city.  They  met  with  determined 
resistance,  for  the  people  were  not  only  opposing  the 
entrance  of  a  hated  Idumean,  but  they  were  hold- 
ing on  in  the  lively  hope  that  Messianic  deliverance 
would  be  sent  to  them  (Ant.  xiv.  16,  2).  Only  two 
voices  were  heard  in  favor  of  opening  the  city  gates, 
—  those  of  Shemaia  and  Abtalion,  —  who  looked  upon 
Herod  as  a  chastisement  upon  the  nation  for  its  sinful- 
ness (Ant.  XV.  1,  1).  Forty  days  after  the  beginning 
of  the  attack,  and  in  the  fifth  month  after  prepara- 
tions for  the  siege  had  begun,  the  outer  rampart  was 
taken,  and  after  fifteen  more,  the  second.  Then  came 
the  storming  of  the  inner  court  of  the  temple  and  the 
upper  city.  The  slaughter  was  terrible.  The  Romans 
were  enraged  over  the  prolonged  siege,  and  in  their 
fury  they  were  matched  by  the  Jews  who  fought  with 
Herod.  The  streets  ran  blood;  and  it  was  only  by 
entreaties  and  threatenings  that  Herod  saved  the  tem- 
ple from  pollution,  —  a  deed  which  he  knew  would 
never  be  forgiven  him.  Antigonus,  in  his  extremity, 
cast  himself  at  the  feet  of  the  Roman  general  and 
Legged  for  mercy.  His  tears  and  pleadings  won  only 
the  scorn  of  Sosius,  who,  in  ridicule,  as  though  he 
were  a  mere  woman,  called  him  Antigona,  and  put 
him  in  chains.  Nor  was  this  all.  He  was  taken 
l)ound  to  Antony  at  Antioch,  and  by  the  earnest 
appeal  of   Herod  was   put  to  death.     As  though  he 

12 


178       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

were  a  common  criminal,  he  was  first  scourged  and 
then  beheaded.  Never  before  had  the  Romans  in  such 
an  ignominious  fashion  put  a  king  to  death.  The 
noble  house  that  for  nearly  one  hundred  and  thirty 
years  had  wrought  so  much  for  Judea,  ended  in  shame 
and  contempt.  "  They  wore  the  diadem  of  the  king 
and  the  mitre  of  the  high-priest,  but  no  self-conquest 
had  crowned  and  mitred  them  over  themselves.  They 
had  come  to  think  less  of  their  country  than  of  their 
dynasty,  and  less  of  their  religion  than  of  their  per- 
sonal interests ;  "  and  so  they  were  carried  out  upon  the 
tide  of  ambition  into  the  ceaseless  current  of  political 
rivalry  and  strife,  to  go  down  at  last  at  the  hands  of 
the  very  power  to  which  they  had  more  than  once 
appealed  for  protection. 


IV 

HEROD,   THE  KING  OF  THE  JEWS 

(37-4  B.  C.) 

190.  When  the  Roman  army  marched  away  with 
Antigonus  as  a  prisoner,  Herod's  title  of  "  King  "  was 
no  longer  empty.  He  was  "the  master  of  a  city  in 
ruins  and  the  king  of  a  nation  that  hated  him."  His 
long,  eventful  reign  was  a  complex  of  brilliant  achieve- 
ments and  fearful  crimes.  His  hands  were  never  free 
from  the  stain  of  blood,  and  yet  those  hands  made 
Jerusalem  glorious  in  the  architecture  of  palace  and 
temple,  and  changed  the  face  of  the  land  by  many  a 
costly  improvement.  The  very  Hellenism  which,  in 
its  extreme  form,  Antiochus  Epiphanes  had  tried  to 
force  upon  the  nation,  was  in  all  its  secular  features 
established  by  Herod  in  various  parts  of  the  land,  and 
that,  too,  without  a  single  uprising.  The  theatre  and 
amphitheatre  formed  a  part  of  the  attractions  of  the 
capital,  whose  court  life  and  interests  kept  the  city  in 
touch  with  the  outside  world.  Almost  within  sound  of 
the  solemn  service  of  worship,  in  the  temple,  took  place 
furious  chariot  races  and  the  cruel,  demoralizing  fights 
of  foreign  gladiators  ;  while  heathen  temples  at  Paneas 
and  Caesarea  showed  how  like  in  faith  to  the  mad  An- 
tiochus this  "  Idumean  slave,"  as  the  Jews  called  him, 
really  was.  Indeed,  the  sharp  contrasts  that  might  be 
seen  in  the  life  of  Jerusalem  were  but  symbolical  of 


180       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  contrasts  in  the  character  of  Herod  himself.  He 
was  intensely  selfish  and  yet  could  be  splendidly  gener- 
ous ;  he  was  strong  in  purpose,  and  yet  the  easy  victim 
of  weakening  suspicions;  he  loved  the  means  of 
culture  and  yet  revealed  the  revengeful  cruelty  of  a 
veritable  barbarian. 

191.  As  we  turn  to  the  unfolding  of  the  history  of 
his  rulership,  it  will  be  well  to  keep  in  mind  the  two 
guiding  principles  of  his  whole  career :  the  safeguard- 
ing of  his  own  supremacy  and  the  strengthening  of 
the  favor  of  the  Romans.  In  one  or  the  other  of  these 
is  found  the  impulse  to  his  every  action.  "Uneasy 
lies  the  head  that  wears  a  crown."  Never  was  this 
proverb  truer  than  in  the  case  of  this  last  sovereign  in 
Jerusalem.  The  success  which  he  had  achieved  in  the 
realization  of  his  ambition  to  be  king  had  been  won  at 
the  expense  of  the  enmity  of  the  people,  of  the  nobility 
in  Jerusalem,  of  the  survivors  of  the  Hasmonean  house, 
and  of  Cleopatra.  In  the  plots  and  counterplots  born 
of  this  deadly  hatred,  much  of  his  time  and  energy  for 
twelve  years,  from  37  to  25  B.  c,  was  consumed.  The 
people  he  treated  with  consideration,  as  far  as  their 
religious  demands  were  concerned,  for  he  himself  had 
no  vital  interest  in  religion  of  any  form  or  description ; 
but  he  dealt  with  all  resistance  to  his  authority  with 
the  utmost  rigor.  He  was  prompt,  decisive,  and 
relentless. 

192.  Almost  his  first  act  after  the  Romans  had  gone 
was  to  put  to  death  forty-five  of  the  nobles  who  had  sup- 
ported Antigonus,  and  then  to  confiscate  their  property 
that  he  might  have  means  to  strengthen  his  hold  upon 
Antony  and  to  gratify  his  own  luxurious  tastes.  By 
one  treacherous  blow-^the  Sanhedrin  was  thus  struck 


HEROD'S  HOME   POLICY  181 

down,  only  Shemaia  and  Abtalion,  the  Pharisees  who 
had  counselled  the  opening  of  the  city  gates,  being 
spared.  In  general,  Herod  had  little  to  fear  from  the 
Pharisees.  Although  six  thousand  of  them  refused  to 
take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  him,  their  voluntary 
withdrawal  from  political  authority  left  him  in  a  meas- 
ure free  to  work  out  his  own  political  projects.  They 
looked  with  increasing  expectation  for  the  Messianic 
day  of  deliverance,  and  had  only  liaughty  scorn  for  the 
presumption  of  the  whole  dynasty  of  the  Herods. 
When  the  new  Sanhedrin  was  convoked,  a  goodly 
number  of  them  took  their  places  in  its  solemn  con- 
clave, as  did,  indeed,  such  Sadducees  as  had  accom- 
modated themselves  to  the  new  order  of  affairs  in 
Jerusalem.  The  accession  of  Herod  marks  the  begin- 
ning of  a  new  phase  in  the  history  of  these  two  great 
parties.  His  policy  and  procedure  made  impossible 
any  longer  open  warfare,  and  they  were  compelled  to 
satisfy  themselves  with  discussion  over  mooted  points 
of  theological  casuistry.  In  these  discussions  the  Sad- 
ducees were  no  match  for  their  learned  opponents  and 
were  soon  silenced. 

193.  In  order  to  have  affairs  more  completely  under 
his  control,  he  took  upon  himself  the  appointment  of 
the  high-priest,  and  placed  in  this  position  of  dignity 
and  authority  an  obscure  priest  from  Babylon,  named 
Ananel.  With  this  appointment  began  the  long  series 
of  troubles  and  calamities  brought  upon  him  by  the 
survivors  of  the  Hasmonean  family.  Hyrcanus  could 
never  again  fill  the  sacred  office  because  of  the  mutila- 
tion he  had  suffered ;  but  Herod  was  not  content  to 
leave  him  in  Babylon,  whither  he  had  been  sent  by  the 
Parthians  and  where  he  had  been  highly  honored.    He 


182       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

was  invited  to  return  to  Jerusalem  and  treated  with 
much  honor  by  Herod,  who  by  his  flattering  attentions 
masked  his  real  intention  of  bringing  the  aged  Has- 
monean  within  the  range  of  his  own  authority  and  es- 
pionage and  of  thus  guarding  against  any  possible 
demonstration  in  his  favor.  From  him  there  was  now 
nothing  to  be  feared.  This  was  not  the  case  with 
Alexandra,  the  daughter  of  Hyrcanus.  It  was  to.  her  an 
intolerable  outrage  that  an  unknown  Babylonian  Jew 
should  be  appointed  to  the  high-priesthood  when  her 
son,  Aristobulus  III.,  fair  in  person  and  of  the  royal  line- 
age, had  every  reason  to  receive  it  (Ant.  xv.  2,  1-5). 

194.  She  at  once  began  to  work  out  her  design  of 
compelling  Herod  to  give  her  son  the  honor,  and  wrote 
to  Cleopatra  for  assistance  in  bringing  Antony  over  to 
the  support  of  her  son's  claim.  Mariamne,  the  sister  of 
Aristobulus  III.,  also  urged  upon  Herod  the  rightful- 
ness of  her  brother's  desire.  Pictures  of  the  fair 
brother  and  beautiful  sister  were  sent  to  Antony  with 
an  evil  purpose,  but  he  feared  both  the  hatred  of  Herod 
and  the  jealousy  of  Cleopatra,  and  so  wrote  to  Herod 
to  favor  the  young  man,  if  he  could  do  so  without  giv- 
ing offence.  In  the  circumstances  Herod  decided  to 
accede  to  the  wishes  of  Alexandra,  and  in  the  begin- 
ning of  35  B.  c.  appointed  Aristobulus,  though  only  in 
his  seventeenth  year,  high-priest.  The  appointment  was 
in  itself  illegal,  for  Herod  had  no  right  to  depose 
Ananel,  whose  rightful  term  of  service  was  for  life. 
Furthermore,  it  cast  over  Aristobulus  himself  the 
shadow  of  death.  Alexandra,  by  her  intrigues,  had 
opened  that  fatal  door  into  Herod's  mind  through 
which  the  darkest  suspicions  evermore  had  ready  en- 
trance, and  she  was  the  first  to  suffer  from  her  own 


THE  MURDER  OF  ARISTOBULUS  183 

rash  ambitions.  She  was  imprisoned  in  the  palace  in 
Jerusalem,  and,  on  the  discovery  of  a  plot  to  escape 
with  her  son  to  Cleopatra,  marked  for  death.  Herod 
now  waited  for  a  suitable  time  to  put  them  both  out  of 
the  way. 

195.  The  jealousy  of  the  king  hastened  the  issue 
for  Aristobulus.  At  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  the  tall, 
stately  figure  of  the  young  man  in  his  priestly  robes 
aroused  the  greatest  enthusiasm  among  the  people, 
and  their  hearty  acclamations  and  expressions  of  good- 
will revealed  to  the  suspicious  king  the  danger  which 
threatened  him.  A  few  days  after,  they  were  both  in 
Jericho  at  a  feast  given  by  Alexandra ;  and  while  seek- 
ing refreshment  from  the  heat  by  a  bath  in  one  of  the 
large  fish-ponds  near  the  palace,  Aristobulus,  under 
pretence  of  sport,  was  held  under  the  water  by  paid 
servants  of  Herod  and  drowned.  No  one  was  louder 
in  his  lamentations  than  the  king  himself,  and  a  costly 
funeral  seems  to  have  made  complete  the  deception  of 
the  people  (Ant.  xv.  3,  2-4). 

196.  Alexandra,  however,  understood  the  treachery, 
but,  dissembling  her  abhorrence  and  hatred,  secretly 
sought  again  the  help  of  Cleopatra,  who  prevailed 
upon  Antony  to  summon  Herod  before  him  to  answer 
for  his  treacherous  murder.  It  was  a  time  of  keen 
suspense  for  the  king.  If  he  failed  to  keep  the  good- 
will of  Antony,  his  kingship  was  worth  but  little,  and 
two  determined  enemies,  Cleopatra  and  Alexandra, 
were  in  league  against  him.  So  uncertain  was  he  of 
the  issue,  that  upon  his  departure  he  gave  command 
that  Mariamne  should  be  put  to  death  in  case  he  did 
not  return,  so  that  Antony  might  not  get  possession  of 
her  (Ant.  xv.  3,  4). 


184       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

197.  Antony  was  at  this  time,  34  B.  c,  in  Laodicea, 
south  of  Antioch,  making  preparations  ostensibly 
against  the  Parthians,  but  really  against  the  Arme- 
nians. He  was  still  under  the  fascination  of  the 
Egyptian  queen,  who  was  using  all  her  arts  to  get 
possession  of  Judea.  Only  Antony's  appreciation  of 
Herod  had  so  far  frustrated  her  design.  Herod  well 
knew  how  much  depended  upon  his  appearance  before 
his  Roman  master,  and  by  skilful  address  and  lavish 
gifts  he  won  the  day  (Ant.  xv.  3,  8). 

198.  In  the  mean  time  rumor  had  it  that  Antony 
had  put  him  to  death.  This  false  report  encouraged 
Alexandra  to  plan,  through  the  charms  of  Mariamne, 
to  induce  Antony  to  raise  her  to  the  throne,  when 
letters  came  from  Herod  telling  of  his  success.  Mari- 
amne was  as  little  rejoiced  over  this  sudden  change  of 
outlook  as  was  Alexandra,  for  the  talkative  Joseph 
had  let  out  the  secret  about  Herod's  commands  to  kill 
her  if  he  did  not  return.  Herod,  as  soon  as  he  reached 
Jerusalem,  was  told  of  the  plans  of  Alexandra,  and 
made  to  believe  that  Mariamne's  knowledge  of  his 
secret  command  was  gained  through  shameless  infidel- 
ity. Salome,  his  sister,  was  chiefly  instrumental  in 
deepening  the  suspicions  against  his  wife,  whom  she 
hated,  and  only  the  deep,  abiding  affection  of  Herod 
saved  Mariamne  from  death.  Alexandra  was  impris- 
oned, and  the  telltale  Joseph  put  to  death  without 
even  a  hearing  (Ant.  xv.  3,  9).  With  the  entrance  of 
Salome  upon  the  scene,  we  have  the  ''  three  furies  who, 
in  the  guise  of  evil  women,  with  their  ambitions, 
jealousies,  and  lusts,  swept  down  from  the  first 
like  harpies  "  upon  the  public  and  private  peace  of 
Herod. 


HEROD  AND   CLEOPATRA  185 

199.  Antony  had  sent  the  king  back  to  Jerusalem 
triumphant,  but  Cleopatra  could  not  be  totally  denied, 
and  she  became  the  possessor  of  all  the  cities  south  of 
the  Eleutherus  River  as  far  as  Egypt,  except  Tyre  and 
Sidon;  of  a  part  of  the  Arabian  territory,  and  of  the 
region  about  Jericho,  famous  for  its  palm-trees  and 
balsams.  With  no  good  grace  Herod  leased  this  last  dis- 
trict from  Cleopatra,  and  when  she  came  into  Judea  on 
her  return  from  accompanying  Antony  to  the  Euphrates, 
he  had  a  mind  to  put  her  to  death  and  thus  rid  both 
Antony  and  himself  of  her  persistent  scheming.  While 
in  Judea  she  tried  all  her  seductive  arts  upon  the  kiug, 
but  without  success.  Herod  pretended  to  take  her 
proposals  seriously,  and,  in  fact,  consulted  his  council 
regarding  a  fitting  rejoinder,  but  contented  himself 
with  escorting  her  with  every  manifestation  of  dignity 
and  display  to  the  boundaries  of  Egypt. 

200.  Meanwhile  a  crisis  was  drawing  near  which 
was  again  to  affect  the  fortunes  of  the  whole  Roman 
world.  Rome  itself  was  getting  heartily  tired  of  the 
strange,  unseemly  doings  of  Antony.  His  extravagant 
folly  and  Oriental  airs  awakened  the  strongest  resent- 
ment, and  when  in  32  B.  c,  Octavian,  his  colleague, 
openly  denounced  him  in  the  Senate,  all  were  ready 
for  action.  When  hostilities  began,  Herod  hastened 
to  support  his  old  friend  Antony,  but  by  a  scheme  of 
Cleopatra's  he  was  turned  aside  to  punish  the  Arabian 
king  who  had  failed  to  pay  the  queen  his  tribute.  The 
purpose  of  this  diversion  was  not  so  much  the  tribute 
as  the  war,  which  should  so  weaken  both  contestants 
that  she  herself  might  easily  assert  her  power  over 
them.  It  all  turned  out  to  Herod's  gain,  for  not  only 
did  he,  after  several  discouraging  experiences,  gain  a 


186      THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

complete  victory  over  his  enemies,  but  he  was  also 
saved  from  any  direct  action  against  Octavian  (Ant. 
XV.  5,  1-5). 

201.  In  the  sea  fight  off  the  promontory  of  Actium 
on  September  2,  31  b.  c,  Antony's  forces  were 
defeated  and  Octavian  became  the  sole  master  of 
Rome's  destinies.  It  was  again  a  critical  moment  for 
Herod.  He  yet  believed  in  Antony  and  urged  him  to 
put  Cleopatra  to  death  and  seek  some  compromise  with 
Octavian.  This  the  infatuated  Roman  would  not  do, 
and  Herod  resolved  to  support  him  no  longer.  It  was 
in  reality  no  difficult  matter  for  him  to  change  his 
allegiance.  Already  he  had  done  it  three  times,  and 
yet  Antony  seemed  to  understand  him  so  little  as  to 
count  upon  his  unfailing  support.  When,  in  addition 
to  all  other  reports  which  came  to  Antony  daily  at 
Alexandria  of  the  desertion  of  this  or  that  leader,  word 
was  finally  brought  that  Herod  had  also  abandoned 
him,  he  gave  up  all  thoughts  of  continued  resistance 
and  in  the  course  of  the  year  committed  suicide  (Ant. 
XV.  6,  7;  Plutarch,  '' Antonius"). 

202.  As  soon  as  Herod's  resolution  was  taken  to 
support  Octavian,  he  sought  opportunity  to  prove  his 
new  allegiance.  This  came  to  him  in  connection  with 
a  troop  of  gladiators  who  had  assembled  at  Cyzicus, 
and  were  waiting  to  take  part  in  the  games  which 
were  to  be  celebrated  in  honor  of  Antony's  victory 
over  Octavian.  Upon  the  news  of  the  issue  of  the 
battle,  they  determined  to  hasten  to  Egypt  to  the 
assistance  of  their  defeated  master.  Ilerod  forbade 
their  crossing  his  territory,  and  they  were  compelled  to 
surrender  to  the  proconsul  of  Syria,  who  had  held  them 
in  siege  at  Daphnae.     Before,  however,  Herod  could 


HEROD'S  NEW  ALLEGIANCE   TO   OCTAVIAN       187 

undertake  an  interview  with  Octavian,  he  felt  that  he 
must  secretly  guard  in  his  absence  against  an  attempt 
on  the  part  of  those  around  him  to  raise  any  rival  to 
power.  The  aged  Hyrcanus  was  really  the  object  of 
his  fears,  not  because  he  would  himself  make  trouble, 
but  because  he  was  an  Hasmonean  and  could  be  readily 
used  by  the  people.  Hence  a  disgraceful  plot  was  de- 
vised to  bring  about  the  death  of  the  aged  prince. 
Hyrcanus  was  accused  of  conniving  with  the  Arabian 
king  and  ruthlessly  butchered.  Among  Herod's  many 
shameless  deeds  this  one  takes  high  rank.  It  was  as 
uncalled  for  as  it  was  cruel,  and  deepened  the  hatred  of 
many  against  him. 

203.  Octavian  was  at  Rhodes,  and  thither  Herod 
journeyed,  after  having  placed  various  members  of 
his  family  at  Masada  for  safe-keeping,  and  his  wife 
and  her  mother  at  Alexandrium  under  the  charge  of 
his  treasurer,  Joseph,  and  a  certain  Sohemus  of  Iturea. 
These  arrangements  are  noteworthy  because  of  the  re- 
sults that  came  from  them.  Herod  put  on  a  bold  face 
before  Octavian.  His  fidelity  to  Antony  he  made  the 
very  reason  why  Octavian  should  accept  him.  The 
shrewd  Roman  had  other  reasons  of  far  greater  import 
to  himself.  He  knew  Herod's  skill  and  strength,  and 
such  an  ally  between  Egypt,  Arabia,  and  Syria  could  be 
of  inestimable  service.  He  therefore  graciously  ac- 
cepted his  allegiance,  confirmed  him  in  his  royal  rank, 
and  obtained  from  the  Senate  a  decree  making  his 
kingship  secure.  Herod  was  gratified  beyond  all  his 
expectations,  and  returned  in  triumphant  mood  to  Jeru- 
salem. Elaborate  preparations  for  the  supply  of  the 
Roman  army  and  for  the  proper  escort  of  Octavian 
from  Ptolemais  to  the  borders  of  Egypt  converted  all 


188       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  soldiers  into  enthusiastic  friends  of  the  new  ally, 
and  helped  to  win  from  Octavian  the  restoration  of  the 
districts  about  Jericho,  Gadara,  Hippos,  Samaria,  Gaza, 
Anthedon,  Joppa,  and  Straton's  Tower.  In  gratitude 
for  these  gifts,  Herod  again  escorted  Octavian,  after  his 
conquest  of  Egypt,  as  far  as  Antioch.  Perhaps  on  this 
ride  Herod  was  accompanied  by  the  old  body-guard  of 
Cleopatra,  consisting  of  four  hundred  Gauls,  also  a 
present  from  Octavian. 

204.  Amid  the  pomp  and  display  of  the  days  of  at- 
tendance upon  his  patron,  Herod  was  full  of  the  joy 
and  pride  of  his  marvellous  good  fortune.  At  the 
threshold  of  his  palace  the  chill  shadoAV  of  suspicion 
fell  again  upon  him,  and  his  days  were  again  darkened 
by  wretchedness  and  crime.  Unwilling  to  learn  from 
experience,  he  had  a  second  time  given  the  command  to 
have  Mariamne  put  to  death  if  he  did  not  return  from 
his  visit  to  Octavian.  Neither  she  nor  her  mother 
Alexandra  had  relished  imprisonment  in  the  fortress 
of  Alexandrium,  and  Sohemus  proved  as  faithless  as 
formerly  Joseph  had  been  in  keeping  Herod's  command 
a  secret.  Mariamne  deeply  resented  the  wicked  will 
of  her  intensely  jealous  husband,  and  let  him  feel  the 
keen  edge  of  her  resentment.  The  unhappy  king  was 
racked  with  the  conflict  of  love  and  anger,  and  was 
completely  in  doubt  as  to  what  to  do.  All  this  had 
taken  place  before  the  news  had  come  that  Antony 
and  Cleopatra  were  both  dead,  and  that  Octavian  was 
victor  in  Egypt.  The  brief  time  of  Herod's  absence  in 
Egypt  and  tlie  charm  of  accompanying  Octavian  to 
Antioch  gave  him  relief  for  a  while  from  the  deepen- 
ing trouble  of  his  home.  That  trouble,  however,  was 
meanwhile  being  swiftly  aggravated  by  the  contempt- 


THE  MURDER  OF  MARIAMNE  189 

uous  pride  of  Mariamne,  who  despised  the  sister  of 
Herod,  and  by  the  implacable  hatred  of  this  sister, 
Salome,  who  plotted  the  death  of  her  enemy.  After 
Herod's  mind  had  been  sufficiently  saturated  with  sus- 
picion, the  time  came  for  action,  and  his  cup-bearer,  in 
accordance  with  careful  instructions  from  Salome,  ap- 
peared before  Herod  with  a  love-potion  which  he  said 
Mariamne  had  given  him  for  the  king,  and  whose  com- 
position he  did  not  know.  In  his  professed  ignorance 
was  the  very  sting  of  suspicion.  Herod  was  startled, 
and  had  Mariamne's  eunuch  examined  by  torture  in 
reference  to  the  matter.  The  wretched  man  knew 
nothing  of  the  poisonous  mixture,  but  he  did  know 
what  Mariamne  had  heard  from  the  faithless  Sohemus, 
and  that  was  enough.  As  before,  Herod  looked  upon 
the  knowledge  of  his  secret  command  as  a  proof  of  un- 
faithfulness. Sohemus  was  at  once  executed.  Mari- 
amne was  tried,  condemned,  and  soon  after  led  out  to 
execution.  The  beautiful  woman  met  her  death  with 
a  fortitude  worthy  of  her  Maccabean  lineage  (Ant.  xv. 
7,  2-6). 

205.  The  effect  of  this  sad  and  awful  deed  upon 
Herod  was  terrible.  To  di'own  the  pangs  of  remorse, 
he  resorted  to  feasting  and  then  to  hunting,  and  in 
the  overstraining  of  his  energies  brought  on  an  ill- 
ness at  Samaria,  which  for  a  time  unhinged  his  reason 
and  seriously  threatened  his  life.  Alexandra,  the  cause 
of  much  of  the  pitiable  king's  troubles,  was  on  the  alert 
to  further  her  own  interests,  and  tried  to  get  possession 
of  the  two  fortified  places  in  Jerusalem,  but  was  unsuc- 
cessful. When  the  news  of  her  attempt  was  reported 
to  Herod,  it  so  aroused  him  as  to  break  the  hold  of  the 
disease,  and  he  ordered  Alexandra  to  be  put  to  death 


190       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

without  delay  (28  B.  c).  Soon  after,  Costobar,  the 
second  husband  of  Salome,  was  discovered  to  be 
guarding  and  training  the  sons  of  Babas,  distant  rela- 
tives of  the  Hasmonean  house,  whom  Herod  had  long 
been  looking  for,  and  they  were  all  immediately  put  to 
death.  At  last  the  work  was  done.  ''  Now  none  was 
left  of  the  kindred  of  Hyrcanus,  and  the  kingdom  was 
entirely  in  Herod's  own  power ;  no  one  was  remaining 
of  such  high  position  as  could  interfere  with  what  he 
did  against  the  Jewish  laws  "  (Ant.  xv.  7,  9-10). 


HEROD   UNDER    AUGUSTUS 

206.  For  many  years  the  Roman  world  had  been 
moving  toward  that  issue  which  came  in  the  supremacy 
of  Augustus,  —  an  absolute  despotism.  A  century  of 
civil  wars  had  created  necessities  which  only  a  single 
ruling  authority  could  meet.  Once  and  again  unlimited 
power  had  been  given  in  emergencies  to  dictators,  con- 
suls, and  triumvirates,  but  only  for  a  special  purpose 
and  for  a  limited  time.  Even  Augustus,  as  Octavian 
was  now  called,  was  granted  imperial  rule  for  ten  years, 
and  it  was  only  due  to  his  adroitness  that  he  did  not 
give  offence  by  assuming  more  than  a  temporary  su- 
premacy. Julius  Csesar  had  fallen  because  he  made 
known  his  wish  to  take  to  himself  sovereign  power, 
and  Augustus  had  studied  well  the  causes  of  his  prede- 
cessor's failure.  Nevertheless  he  had  from  the  first  the 
ambition  to  be  the  controlling  will  in  the  realm,  and  in 
keeping  with  his  cold,  calculating  nature  he  made  haste 
slowly.  Tacitus  tells  us  his  method  of  procedure: 
"  Renouncing  the  title  of  triumvir  for  that  of  consul, 
Augustus,  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  people,  was 
at  first  contented  with  the  power  of  a  tribune.  Soon 
afterwards,  having  gained  the  soldiers  by  his  largesses, 
the  people  by  distributions  of  food,  and  all  orders  of  the 
state  by  the  sweets  of  peace,  he  grew  bolder  by  degrees 
and  drew  to  himself  without  opposition  the  whole  power 


192       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

of  the  Senate,  the  magistrates,  and  the  laws.  The  brav- 
est of  the  nobility  had  perished  in  battle  or  by  proscrip- 
tion; the  rest,  won  over  to  servitude  by  riches  and 
honors,  preferred  the  present  with  its  safety  to  the  past 
with  its  dangers.  These  changes  did  not  displease  the 
provinces;  they  dreaded  the  rule  of  the  Senate  and 
people  on  account  of  the  rival  ambitions  and  cupidity 
of  the  magistrates,  who  were  feebly  checked  by  laws 
which  Avere  powerless  against  violence,  corruption,  and 
wealth"  (Annales  i.  2). 

207.  When  Augustus  returned  to  Rome  in  the 
autumn  of  29  B.  c,  he  began  those  great  changes  in 
the  organization  of  the  empire  which  contributed  to  his 
own  strength  and  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  provinces. 
Judea  at  first  was  not  much  affected,  because  of  the 
kingship  of  Herod.  Herod's  twofold  relation,  how- 
ever, to  Augustus  on  the  one  side,  and  to  Palestine  on 
the  other,  determined  his  course  of  action  in  all  public 
affairs. 

208.  In  addition  to  the  proper  management  of  the 
kingdom  of  Judea,  Augustus  laid  upon  Herod  two 
large  duties  requiring  energy  and  care.  One  resulted 
from  the  peculiar  position  of  Herod's  kingdom ;  the 
other  from  the  unifjdng  policy  of  the  emperor.  In 
considering  the  question  of  the  eastern  boundaries  of 
his  dominion,  Augustus  had  no  sympathy  with  the 
former  ambitions  of  Csesar  and  Antony  to  carry  these 
boundaries  beyond  the  Euphrates.  He  saw  rather  in 
the  countries  bounding  the  Mediterranean  the  natural 
limits  of  such  an  empire  as  he  wished  to  realize. 
Egypt,  Syria,  and  Arabia  were  part  of,  or  adjacent  to, 
the  line  of  limitation,  and  the  strength  and  skill  of  Herod 
were  vital  to  the  maintenance  of  authority  and  stability 


HELLENISTIC  INFLUENCES  IN  JUDEA  193 

along  this  frontier.  Consequently,  Herod's  territory 
was  gradually  enlarged  until  he  was  ruler  over  a  larger 
kingdom  than  ever  before  had  been  governed  from  Jeru- 
salem. It  was  also  the  pleasure  of  the  great  Roman  to 
follow  out  Alexander's  method  for  the  unification  of 
his  empire,  as  far  as  its  inner  life  and  thought  were 
concerned,  by  bringing  all  its  diverse  elements  face  to 
face  with  the  customs  and  thinking  of  that  broad 
Hellenism  which  had  gathered  into  itself  the  best  prod- 
ucts of  various  lands  and  times.  Herod  was  a  will- 
ing servant  of  Augustus  in  this  far-reaching  project, 
not  from  any  innate  love  of  culture,  indeed,  but 
rather  from  the  glory  it  brought  him  and  the  fresh 
interests  it  opened  up  to  him.  The  working  out  of 
these  wishes  of  his  patron  made  the  history  of  this 
brilliant  period  (25-13  b.  c.)  of  his  reign  an  Augustan 
age  in  Judea  upon  a  small  scale. 

209.  After  the  last  possible  Hasmonean  rival  had 
been  put  out  of  the  way,  Herod  began  to  introduce  inno- 
vations as  offensive  to  his  Jewish  subjects  as  they  were 
acceptable  to  his  master,  Augustus.  Games  in  honor 
of  the  emperor  were  instituted  to  be  observed  every 
fourth  year.  "  In  crowds  the  Greeks  streamed  up  to 
these  festivals  in  order  to  carry  off  the  rich  prizes 
offered  by  the  king  in  the  various  kinds  of  forbidden 
arts  and  in  the  two  and  four  horse  chariot  races,  from 
the  Jews,  who  were  unpractised  in  such  abominations." 
Greek  plays  of  blasphemous  character  were  the  attrac- 
tions of  the  theatre  in  Jerusalem.  A  veritable  tidal 
wave  of  heathenism  swept  over  the  city.  It  is  inter- 
esting to  note  that  some  of  the  Pharisees,  true  to  their 
concern  for  the  letter  of  the  law,  focussed  their  indig- 
nation upon  some  trophies  in  the  form  of  suits  of  armor 

13 


194       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

placed  about  the  theatre.  "  They  are  the  images  of 
men,"  they  cried,  "  and  a  violation  of  the  law."  When 
the  pieces  were  taken  down  and  the  wooden  posts 
that  supported  them  made  bare,  they  were  satisfied, 
even  though  their  conduct  was  made  ridiculous. 
Others  were  determined  that  Herod  should  suffer 
death  for  his  heathenish  innovations,  and  a  plot  was 
formed  to  murder  him  in  tlie  theatre.  A  spy  revealed 
the  whole  plan  to  Herod,  and  the  rash  venture  cost 
many  lives  (Ant.  xv.  8, 1-4). 

210.  It  would  have  been  an  unpardonable  short- 
coming, in  the  judgment  of  Augustus,  if  Herod  had 
not  been  able  to  maintain  order  within  his  own  king- 
dom, and  yet  if  the  public  pulse  was  revealed  in  the 
nefarious  plot  which  had  just  been  exposed  and  which 
was  regarded  by  the  conspirators  as  a  "  pious  action," 
there  was  great  risk  of  turbulence  and  even  open 
rebellion.  Consequently  Herod  began  the  establish- 
ment of  those  fortresses  which  should  protect  himself 
and  "  hem  in  the  multitude  "  (Ant.  xv.  8,  4). 

211.  Already  in  the  time  of  Antony  the  temple- 
fortress  had  been  rebuilt  and  called  Antonia ;  and 
Herod's  palace  in  the  city  was  not  only  a  marvel  of 
costliness  and  luxury,  but  also  a  fortification,  so  that  at 
Jerusalem  he  was  well  guarded.  To  secure  himself  in 
other  parts  of  the  land,  Samaria  was  made  a  fortress  of 
the  first  rank ;  Straton's  Tower  was  strengthened ; 
Gaba  in  Galilee  and  Hesbon  in  the  Perea  were  forti- 
fied. Indeed,  to  use  the  words  of  Josephus,  "  he  was 
surrounding  the  whole  nation  with  garrisons  that  they 
might  by  no  means  get  out  of  his  power,  nor  fall  into 
tumults  "  (Ant.  xv.  8,  5).  Furthermore,  he  covered  the 
land  with  a  network  of  spies,  who  were  to  report  to 


HEROD'S  TREATMENT  OF  HIS   SUBJECTS  195 

him  all  seditious  opinions  or  criticisms  upon  his  gov- 
ernment. He  did  not  hesitate  even  to  degrade  himself 
by  prowling  about  the  streets  of  Jerusalem  in  disguise  for 
the  same  purpose.  All  large  gatherings  of  the  people 
were- forbidden;  torture  was  resorted  to  in  order  to 
force  suspects  to  tell  what  they  knew.  Many  were 
hurried  away  to  the  prisons  of  the  fortresses  and  there 
put  to  death.  The  people  were  simply  terrorized  into 
submission  (Ant.  xv.  10,  4). 

212.   As   one   contemplates  facts   like   these,    it    is 
difficult  to  understand  how  there  could  be  any  bright 
side  to  what  seems  an  intolerable   despotism.      And 
yet  there  was  a  glory  in  the  Herodian  age,  as  there 
was  in  that  of  his  patron  Augustus,  who  thoroughly 
understood,  if  he  did  not  teach  to  Herod,  some  of  the 
king's  despicable  ways  of  knowing  the  temper  of  his 
subjects.     With   all  determination  to  force  upon  the 
people  a   quiet  mind,  if   they  would   have   it   in   no 
other  way,  Herod  earnestly  desired  to  give  them  the 
real  advantages  of  a  well-managed  government.     The 
better  impulses  of  the  man  were  brought  to  light  in 
the  famine  and  pestilence  which  in  the  year  25  B.  c. 
brought   upon   Palestine  great  suffering  and  loss  of 
life.     He  threw  himself  into  the  work  of  providing 
relief  with  the    utmost   energy,   nor  did  he  hesitate, 
when  in  need  of  money  for  supplies,  to  sell  the  costly 
furniture  of  his  palace  in  order  to  procure  corn  from 
Egypt.     His  friendship  with  Petronius,  the  governor 
of  Egypt,  made  readily  accessible  to  him  the  stores  of 
the  Nile  valley,  and  it  is  estimated  that  he  distributed 
altogether  eight  hundred  thousand  Attic  measures  of 
corn,  while  whole  villages  were  provided  with  cloth- 
ing against  the  rigors  of  winter.     The  splendid  man- 


196        THE   ROMAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

agement  of  this  really  great  enterprise  brought  him 
fame  abroad,  and  for  a  while  softened  the  hearts  of  his 
subjects  (Ant.  xv.  9,  1,  2). 

213.  As  showing,  however,  how  little  he  really 
cared,  after  all,  for  the  continued  good-will  of  the  peo- 
ple, he  suddenly  changed  the  occupant  of  the  high- 
priest's  office,  solely  that  he  might  give  greater  dignity 
to  an  Alexandrian  family  in  which  was  a  beautiful 
girl  whom  he  was  resolved  to  marry.  Not  only  did  this 
deed  contribute  to  the  degradation  of  the  sacred  office, 
but  this  very  family  —  the  Boethusim  —  became,  for 
the  short  time  that  it  held  high  official  station,  a 
malignant  influence  in  the  nation  (Ant.  xv.  9,  4). 
To  the  last  he  followed  his  own  inclinations  in  so  far 
as  they  did  not  bring  him  into  conflict  with  his  Roman 
master.  He  lived,  planned,  and  worked  for  Herod's 
sake.  His  ambitions,  when  realized,  brought  large 
material  enrichment  to  his  extensive  kingdom,  but 
they  all  terminated  in  the  supreme  vision  of  his  own 
glorification. 

214.  It  was  as  a  result  of  his  twofold  oblis^ation  to 
Augustus  (see  sect.  208)  that  much  of  his  passion  for 
building  found  expression.  A  cordon  of  fortrese^es 
for  the  protection  of  his  frontiers  was  among  his  first 
public  works.  Beginning  at  Jerusalem,  they  were 
placed  at  strategic  points  with  reference  both  to  resist- 
ing outer  and  suppressing  inner  foes.  Cities  were 
built  on  the  Roman  model  and  dignified  with  foreign 
names.  Such  were  Antipatris,  Agrippaeum,  Sebaste 
(Samaria),  and  Csesarea.  In  these  cities  of  his  own 
creation  he  allowed  himself  entire  freedom  in  the 
recognition  of  heathen  deities  and  in  the  deification 
of  the  emperor.     Near  the  port  of  Csesarea,  on  an  emi- 


THE   BUILDING  ENTERPRISES  OF   HEROD         197 

nence  which  made  it  visible  far  out  at  sea,  stood  a 
temple  with  a  colossal  statue  of  Augustus,  equalling 
that  of  Jupiter  at  Olympia,  and  another  of  the  goddess 
of  Rome,  like  that  of  Juno  at  Argos.  One  god  was 
as  good  as  another,  and  Augustus  better  than  all  to 
this  godless  ruler,  who  so  filled  the  Gentile  portions 
of  his  kingdom  with  statues  and  temples  that  ''  it  was 
unnecessary  to  travel  far  up  into  the  country  in  order 
to  learn  that  Jehovah  had  to  endure  many  gods  be- 
sides himself  in  his  own  land."  Nor  did  he  confine 
to  Palestine  his  zeal  for  promoting  the  life  of  Hel- 
lenism. With  lavish  hand  he  dealt  out  the  revenues 
from  his  subjects  to  adorn  foreign  cities.  For  the 
Rhodians  he  built  a  Pythian  temple  ;  in  Nicopolis,  a 
city  founded  by  Augustus  near  Actium,  he  put  up  a 
large  part  of  the  public  buildings,  and  Antioch  re- 
membered him  for  the  colonnades  which  he  built 
along  both  sides  of  her  principal  thoroughfare  (Ant. 
xvi.  5,  3).  Tripolis,  Damascus,  and  Ptolemais  were 
indebted  to  him  for  gymnasia ;  Berytus  and  Tyre  for 
market-places ;  Byblus  for  a  wall,  cloisters,  and  temple  ; 
Sidon  and  Damascus  for  theatres ;  Laodicea  for  an 
aqueduct,  and  the  whole  Hellenistic  world  for  his  re- 
habilitation of  the  Olympic  games  (J.  W.  i.  21,  11). 
Well  might  Augustus  say,  in  view  of  all  this,  "that 
the  dominions  of  Herod  were  too  little  for  the  great- 
ness of  his  soul,"  and  that  "  he  deserved  to  have  the 
kingdom  of  all  Syria  and  of  Egypt  also  "  (Ant.  xvi. 
5,  1).  All  Syria  and  Egj^pt  together  would  have 
found  the  cost  of  such  unmeasured  extravagance  in- 
tolerable. How  much  more  the  comparatively  small 
kingdom  which  had  to  sustain  it! 

215.  While  making  such  demands  upon  the  people, 


198       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Herod  was  alert  to  increase  in  every  possible  way  the 
productiveness  of  the  country.  He  established  new 
commercial  centres  and  gave  a  continual  stimulus 
to  trade.  The  greatest  achievement  of  his  reign  in 
this  direction  was  the  building  of  Caesarea.  One  of 
the  marked  features  of  the  Palestinian  coast-line  is  its 
inhospitable  character.  From  Carmel  to  the  Egyptian 
delta  it  shuts  out  the  sea,  offering  at  only  one  or  two 
points  the  faintest  welcome  in  the  way  of  a  passable 
harbor.  The  Jews  had  but  one  harbor,  such  as  it  was, 
on  that  long  sea-line,  and  that  was  at  Joppa.  Great 
had  been  their  exultation  when,  in  the  days  of  the 
Maccabees,  they  had  made  themselves  masters  of  it 
(I.  Mac.  xiv.  5).  Its  changeful  fortunes  have  already 
been  noted,  but  it  is  well  to  bear  in  mind  that  among 
all  the  chief  towns  of  the  maritime  plain  which  came 
under  the  governorship  of  Herod,  it  alone  was  thor- 
oughly Jewish  in  sympathy  and  tone.  It  reflected 
the  spirit  of  Jerusalem,  with  which  it  was  in  close 
connection.  For  this  reason  Herod  seems  to  have 
kept  away  from  Joppa,  and  in  seeking  a  site  for  the 
construction  of  a  harbor  to  have  preferred  to  put  it  in 
closer  relation  with  Sebaste  than  with  Jerusalem,  for 
Sebaste  was  nearer  the  sea. 

216.  Slowly,  through  twelve  years,  the  work  was  car- 
ried forward  which  placed  a  city  of  royal  quality  be- 
side a  haven  of  such  noble  proportions  that  in  later 
days  Caesarea  was  spoken  of  as  "  The  Csesarea  by  the 
August  Harbor"  (coin  of  Nero).  This  harbor  was 
wholly  artificial,  being  formed  by  a  mole  two  hun- 
dred feet  wide,  which  was  built  of  immense  stones 
piled  upon  each  other  till  the  mass  rose  to  consider- 
able height  above  the  sea.     One  half  of  the  exposed 


THE  BUILDING  OF  C^SAREA  199 

surface  was  left  in  the  rough  as  a  breakwater.  Upon 
the  other,  one  hundred  feet  in  width,  was  built  a  wall 
with  several  towers  and  with  arches  which  served  as 
lodgings  for  sailors.  A  broad  quay  extended  around 
the  entire  haven  and  was  "a  most  desirable  walk  to 
those  who  desired  exercise."  The  entrance  was  on 
the  north,  and  when  within  the  port,  which  was  of 
the  size  of  the  Piraeus  at  Athens,  shi^JS  were  securely 
protected  from  the  sea,  which  every  day  was  stirred 
into  tumult  by  the  wide  sweep  of  the  wind.  Its 
splendid  harbor  made  Csesarea  the  virtual  capital  of 
Palestine,  and  its  impulse  to  commerce  was  strong 
and  undiminished  as  long  as  the  western  world  had 
an  interest  in  the  land  (Ant.  xv.  9,  6). 

217.  With  all  this  increasing  material  splendor,  the 
Hellenizing  developments  in  the  court  of  Herod  kept 
pace.  He  was  himself  by  education  a  Greek,  and  his 
palace  was  the  focal  point  in  Jerusalem  of  all  the 
social  and  literary  interests  of  a  foreign  culture.  Greek 
scholars  and  artists  were  his  intimate  friends  and  ad- 
visers. Notable  among  these  was  Nicolas  of  Damascus, 
a  man  of  wide  and  varied  learning,  yet  withal  a  skilful 
diplomatist  and  finished  courtier.  His  history  was  one 
of  the  best  sources  for  the  records  of  Josephus  (see 
especially  books  xv.-xvii.),  and  his  fame  in  science  and 
philosophy  was  wide-spread.  Beside  him  stood  Ptole- 
meus,  his  brother,  also  of  foreign  training,  chief  chan- 
cellor and  keeper  of  the  king's  seals,  and  a  trusted 
councillor  in  state  affairs.  These  were  the  noblest 
specimens  of  a  group  of  men  who  kept  the  tone  of  the 
court  out  of  harmony  with  the  aims  and  sympathies  of 
the  nation,  and  that  lack  of  harmony  was  increased  by 
the  company  of  sycophants  and  hangers-on  who  were 


200       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

willing  to  sacrifice  anything  for  the  promotion  of  their 
own  interests,  which  could  best  be  served  in  all  the 
objectionable  schemes  of  Herod's  Hellenistic  policy. 
There  was  little  in  the  influences  radiating  from 
Herod's  palace  consonant  with  the  spirit  of  Judaism. 

218.  Despite,  however,  his  wilfulness,  Herod  wanted 
to  be  known  among  the  Romans  as  a  popular  sovereign. 
In  his  adroit  speech  to  the  people,  when  he  proposed 
to  them  the  building  of  a  new  temple,  he  aimed  to 
make  it  appear  that  all  his  building  hitherto  had  been 
for  their  highest  advantage  (Ant.  xv.  11,  1),  and  he 
hoped  by  this  supreme  architectural  achievement  to 
offset  the  irritation  of  burdensome  taxation  and  foreign 
intrusion.  This  was  not  his  only  motive,  but  it  gave 
strong  emphasis  to  those  personal  reasons  which  were 
always  prompting  him  to  action.  It  is  possible,  as  an- 
other has  suggested,  that  he  sought  to  make  political 
capital  out  of  Jewish  beliefs  connected  with  the  temple 
and  the  Messianic  hopes.  The  words  of  the  prophecy 
of  Haggai  (ii.  3-9)  and  the  comparatively  recent  pre- 
dictions of  the  Book  of  Enoch  (xci.  13),  spoke  of  'Hhat 
house  "  whose  glory  should  transcend  all  former  temples. 
If  he  could  fulfil  these  prophesyings,  what  might  it 
not  mean  for  his  own  name  and  for  the  gratification  of 
the  people ! 

219.  In  the  fifteenth  year  of  his  reign  he  called  a 
great  assembly  of  the  people  to  make  to  them  his  as- 
tounding proposition.  His  disappointment  over  its 
reception  must  have  been  keen.  Distrust  and  fear 
suggested  the  dark  purpose  of  depriving  them  in  this 
way  of  the  temple  altogether,  or,  if  not-  that,  insuper- 
able difiiculties  in  the  execution  of  his  designs.  Herod 
skilfully  met  all  objections,  and  the  work  began  in 


THE   BUILDING  OF  THE   NEW  TEMPLE  201 

elaborate  provisions  for  the  actual  construction.  A 
thousand  wagons  were  built  for  carrying  stone,  ten 
thousand  workmen  were  engaged  in  preparing  mate- 
rial, and  one  thousand  priests  were  taught  to  work  as 
mason-s  and  carpenters,  that  no  polluted  hands  might 
make  the  sacred  courts  unclean.  Eight  years  were 
consumed  in  the  construction  of  the  vast  surroundings 
of  the  temple  proper,  which  itself  required  the  careful 
work  of  eighteen  months.  During  the  whole  time 
worship  was  never  interrupted,  and  Herod  himself 
punctiliously  respected  the  ceremonial  restriction  which 
forbade  a  foreigner  entering  the  inner  courts.  He 
chose  the  anniversary  of  his  accession  as  the  day  of 
consecration.  With  imposing  ritual  and  amid  univer- 
sal rejoicings  the  noble  structure  was  given  to  the 
worship  of  Jehovah  (Ant.  xv.  11,  2,  6). 

220.  Josephus  has  given  us  in  his  Antiquities  (xv. 
11,  3-5)  and  in  The  Jewish  War  (v.  5,  1-6)  a  full 
description  of  the  approaches,  courts,  porticoes,  gates, 
and  chambers  of  the  sacred  area.  The  whole  made  a 
picture  upon  which  the  eyes  of  the  people  were  feasted, 
and  the  excellence  of  its  beauty  caused  the  rabbis  to 
say  that  "  whoever  had  not  seen  the  temple  of  Herod 
had  seen  nothing  beautiful."  It  is  not  strange,  there- 
fore, that  tradition  sought  to  place  upon  it  the  mark  of 
divine  approval  by  telling  of  the  conduct  of  the  weather 
during  the  whole  time  of  construction.  The  rain  fell 
then  only  at  night,  and  each  morning  under  cloudless 
skies  the  work  went  on  (Ant.  xv.  11,  7).  Judaism 
appropriated  this  temple  as  a  worthy  expression  of  her 
religious  devotion,  and  with  new  emphasis  upon  her 
zeal  for  the  outward  and  the  ceremonial  filled  its 
courts   with   admiring  worshippers.     On  beyond   the 


202       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

days  of  our  Lord,  workmen  were  kept  busy  making 
additions  or  perfecting  parts  of  the  adornment.  The 
whole  was  not  completely  finished  until  64  A.  D.,  just 
when  the  storm-clouds  of  war  were  gathering  over 
Judea  by  whose  final  outburst  the  whole  temple  area 
was  strewn  with  hopeless  ruin. 

221.  Once  more,  just  after  the  consecration  of  the 
temple,  the  puzzling  contradictions  in  Herod's  char- 
acter were  illustrated.  For  years  he  had  carefully  re- 
frained from  passing  a  forbidden  line  in  the  sacred 
courts ;  now  he  insisted  upon  placing  a  large  golden 
eagle,  the  emblem  of  heathen  Rome,  over  the  great 
gate  of  the  temple.  Gratitude  was  turned  into  fierce 
indignation,  and  the  eagle  doonied  to  destruction  at  the 
first  favorable  opportunity.  So  amid  intense,  alter- 
nating emotions  in  the  hearts  of  his  subjects  this 
strange  man  moved  on  to  his  end. 


VI 

IN  THE  DAYS   OF  HEROD  THE  KING 

222.   The  Palestine  of  10  b.  c.  was  virtually  the 
Palestine  of  our  Lord's  ministry.     Its  material  glory, 
its  wide-reaching   material  interests,  its   foreign   ad- 
mixtures, its  intensified  hopes  and  fears,  —  all  these 
were  what  they  were  because  of  the  tireless  ambition  of 
the  brilliant,  barbaric  king  who  then  ruled  Judea.    The 
hopeless  task,  which  Herod  undertook,  of  trying  to 
make  the  Jews  an  integral  part  of  the  Graeco-Roman 
world  brought  him  only  bitterness  of  soul  and  the 
people  immeasurable  misery.     His  splendid  buildings 
and  large-minded  plans  for  national  prosperity,  nay, 
more,    his   rigorous,  stern   administration,   could   not 
overcome  the  indomitable  spirit  of  Judaism.     Could 
behave  ended  his  career  when  the  loud  hosannasof 
the  day  of  the  temple's  consecration  expressed  the  joy 
and  thanksgiving  of  the  people,  the  harshness  of  his 
selfish  life   might  have  been  softened,  but,  alas!  he 
lived  on  to  do  dark  deeds  and  at  last  to  put  the  im- 
press  of   his  blood-stained  hands   upon  the  opening 
page  of  the  world's  gospel. 

223.  The  purpose  of  Augustus,  in  which  Herod  so 
readily  acquiesced,  of  opening  his  kingdom  to  the  full 
sway  of  foreign  ideals,  was  one  that  must  be  carried 
on  when  Herod  was  no  more.  Accordingly  Herod 
sent  his  two  sons,  Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  chil- 


204       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

dren  by  the  murdered  Mariamne,  to  Rome  to  breathe 
in  the  spirit  of  the  Hellenism  which  they  must  foster. 
Every  advantage  of  the  imperial  capital  was  open  to 
them.  They  were  the  pupils  of  Asinius  Pollio,  the 
friend  of  Virgil,  and  through  him  came  into  contact 
with  Rome's  brilliant  social  and  literary  coteries. 
They  themselves  had  grown  to  be  tall,  noble-looking 
men,  conscious  of  the  royal  blood  in  their  veins  and 
eager  to  vindicate  the  honor  of  their  unfortunate 
mother.  Judea  awaited  with  affectionate  interest  the 
arrival  of  these  descendants  of  the  house  they  had  in 
times  past  loved  to  honor.  The  day  of  their  coming 
to  the  capital  in  the  year  17  B.  c.  was,  however,  a  day 
big  with  fate  to  Herod  and  his  household.  Salome 
soon  realized  what  she  must  expect  from  these  haughty 
princes,  if  ever  they  came  to  power,  and  diligently  she 
began  again  her  old  methods  of  calumny  and  false 
witness.  Herod's  suspicious  nature  struggled  with  his 
genuine  affection,  and  he  tried  by  suitable  marriages 
to  stay  the  mischief  that  proud  contempt  on  one  side 
and  revengeful  hatred  on  the  other  were  working  out 
between  these  young  princes  and  Pheroras,  Cypros,  and 
Salome.  To  Alexander,  the  elder  brother,  was  given 
Glaphyra,  the  daughter  of  the  king  of  Cappadocia, 
and  to  Aristobulus,  Bernice,  the  daughter  of  Salome 
(Ant.  xvi.  1,  2). 

224.  Hoping  for  better  results  from  this  new  ad- 
justment of  domestic  affairs,  Herod .  hastened  to  Asia 
to  meet  Agrippa,  the  commissioner  of  Augustus  for 
the  eastern  provinces,  and  to  invite  him  to  come  to 
Judea.  Next  to  the  coming  of  Augustus  himself  was 
prized  the  visit  of  this  royal  minister,  and  Herod  for- 
got his  family  troubles  in  his  pleasure  and  pride  in 


AGRIPPA'S  VISIT  TO  JUDEA  205 

conducting  Agrippa  about  Caesarea  to  Sebaste,  to  the 
strong  fortresses,  and  finally  to  Jerusalem.  The 
Roman  official  was  simply  amazed  at  what  he  saw. 
It  surpassed  all  his  expectations,  and  each  day  of  his 
stay  in  Jerusalem  found  him  at  the  temple,  wonder- 
ing at  the  stately  ritual,  and  at  last  asking  permission 
to  offer  a  sacrifice  as  an  expression  of  his  interest 
and  regard  (Philo,  Leg.  Ad  Caium).  The  outcome,  in 
fact,  from  all  this  attention  to  Agrippa  —  for  the  people 
accompanied  him  on  his  way  to  Csesarea,  strewing 
flowers  in  his  path  —  was  to  be  a  blessing  to  the  Jews 
of  Asia  Minor.  Herod  determined  to  accompany 
Agrippa  on  a  campaign  to  the  Bosphorus  in  the  spring, 
but  did  not  reach  him  until  Agrippa  arrived  at  Sinope 
in  Pontus.  With  his  usual  munificence  Herod  marked 
his  way  by  sumptuous  gifts  and  also  by  friendly  ap- 
peals to  Agrippa  for  those  in  peculiar  difficulties  or 
needs.  In  Ionia  the  Jews  came  to  complain  of  the 
utter  disregard  paid  to  their  rights  and  privileges. 
Nicolas  of  Damascus  pleaded  their  cause,  and  the 
injustice  was  stopped.  With  the  blessing  of  the  dis- 
persion in  Asia  Minor,  Herod  returned  to  Jerusalem 
to  receive  the  same  expression  of  good-will  from  the 
people  for  this  beneficent  decision  (Ant.  xvio  2,  2-5). 

225.  Meanwhile  the  troubles  in  the  palace  were 
fast  becoming  acute.  Salome  had  contrived  to  shape 
her  malignant  falsehoods  into  the  form  of  a  plot  on 
the  part  of  the  young  princes  to  revenge  their  mother's 
death  upon  their  father,  by  appealing  to  Augustus  to 
look  into  the  trial  of  Mariamne.  Herod  was  enraged, 
and  in  the  way  of  counter  plot  summoned  to  Jerusa- 
lem Antipater,  his  son  by  Doris,  his  first  wife.  In  the 
blood  of   this  young  man  was  the  poison  of  all  his 


206       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

father's  worst  passions.  He  was  a  veritable  lago. 
Mariamne  had  been  instrumental  in  banishing  him 
from  Jerusalem  and  of  course  he  was  only  too  glad 
to  join  with  Salome.  He  was  able  to  give  even  to  her 
valuable  suggestions  in  the  life-and-death  game  of 
court  intrigue  and  deceit.  Ostensibly  he  was  a  dear, 
faithful  friend ;  really  he  was  utterly  false  to  both  his 
brothers  and  his  father.  It  was  inconvenient  for  his 
plans  that  Herod  insisted  in  commending  him  to 
Augustus  and  in  finally  sending  him  to  Rome  (Ant. 
xvi.  3,  1-3),  but  it  was  not  fatal  to  them.  He  was 
compelled  to  intrigue  at  long  range,  but  he  worked 
with  increasing  effectiveness  until  finally  Herod  re- 
solved to  accuse  Alexander  and  Aristobulus  before 
Augustus  in  Rome.  In  the  presence  of  the  emperor, 
Herod  spoke  out  of  the  misery  of  his  heart,  and  Alex- 
ander with  the  straightforwardness  of  innocence.  The 
penetrating  insight  of  Augustus  enabled  him  to  appre- 
ciate the  true  situation.  In  a  scene  that  moved  all  to 
tears,  the  old  king  was  reconciled  to  his  sons,  and 
they  all  with  Antipater  returned  to  Judea.  At  a 
large  gathering  of  the  people  in  the  temple,  Herod 
declared  that  his  sons  were  to  reign  after  him,  Antip- 
ater first,  then  Alexander  and  Aristobulus  (Ant.  xvi. 
4,1-4). 

226.  In  his  consummate  hypocrisy,  Antipater  ap- 
peared overjoyed  at  the  reconciliation ;  his  real  reason 
for  rejoicing  was  that  he  was  again  within  close  reach 
of  the  means  whereby  to  realize  his  nefarious  ambi- 
tions. He  began  at  once  to  plot  against  his  broth- 
ers and  Herod.  The  deepening  troubles  of  the  palace 
were  interpreted  by  some  as  a  judgment  upon  the 
impious  king  for  searching   the  tomb  of   David  for 


HEROD   IMPRISONS  ALEXANDER  207 

treasure  (Ant.  xvi.  7,  2) ;  but,  despicable  as  that  act 
was  in  the  eyes  of  the  Jews,  it  lay  entirely  outside  of 
the  complex  of  causes  that  were  slowly  shaping  the 
destinies  of  Herod  and  his  sons.  Every  member  of 
the  royal  family  became  involved  in  the  inextricable 
tangle  of  suspicion  and  treachery.  Pheroras,  Herod's 
brother,  Salome,  and  Antipater  were  particularly  eager 
to  secure  the  downfall  of  the  sons  of  Mariamne.  Hav- 
ing carefully  prepared  Herod's  mind  by  suspicion, 
they  brought  it  about  that  the  slaves  of  the  young 
men  were  tortured.  The  wretched  sufferers  confessed 
what  they  were  told  to  confess,  and  accused  Alexan- 
der of  conspiracy.  Herod  cast  him  into  prison,  and  in 
the  desperateness  of  his  situation  Alexander  foolishly 
accepted  the  charge  and  incriminated  all  of  Herod's 
relations  except  the  clever  hypocrite,  Antipater. 
Black  darkness  settled  down  upon  the  spirit  of  the 
king,  and  another  wholesale  murder  might  have  fol- 
lowed had  not  Archelaus,  the  king  of  Cappadocia, 
hastened  to  Judea  to  save  his  daughter,  the  wife  of 
Alexander.  By  assuming  an  attitude  of  extreme 
anger  toward  Alexander  and  by  threatening  to  take 
his  daughter  from  the  wretched  court,  Herod  was 
actually  led  to  plead  in  tears  for  his  son.  Archelaus 
then  shifted  the  blame  upon  Pheroras,  and  before  he 
set  out  for  home  managed  to  secure  a  reconciliation 
between  even  this  man  and  Herod  (Ant.  xvi.  7-8). 

227.  Hardly  had  this  storm  blown  over  when  a  train 
of  events  led  the  hapless  king  into  the  disfavor  of 
Augustus.  A  certain  Syllseus,  prime  minister  of  the 
Arabian  king  Obodas  II.,  was  ambitious  to  put  himself 
at  the  head  of  the  kingdom.  With  the  idea  of  strength- 
ening himself  by  a  helpful  alliance,  he  had,  on  a  visit 


208       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

to  Jerusalem,  made  love  to  Salome,  who  was  old  enough 
to  be  his  mother.  She,  however,  was  willing  to  take 
the  Arabian,  and  Herod  gave  his  consent  to  the  mar- 
riage provided  Syllseus  would  submit  to  circumcision. 
This  he  absolutely  refused  to  do,  and  went  away  de- 
termined to  work  mischief  for  Herod.  His  opportun- 
ity came  in  connection  with  a  rebellion  in  Trachonitis, 
which  was  put  down,  indeed,  but  from  the  midst  of 
which  forty  of  the  chief  banditti  leaders  escaped  to 
Arabia.  Syllseus  gave  them  protection  while  they 
plundered  in  Herod's  dominions.  As  their  numbers 
and  boldness  increased,  Herod  demanded  from  the  Ara- 
bian king  the  delivery  of  the  robbers.  Syllaeus  refused 
and  carried  the  matter  to  Rome.  Herod,  with  the  per- 
mission of  Saturn ius,  invaded  Arabia,  captured  the 
robber  fortress  of  Rapita,  and  in  order  to  keep  the 
peace  placed  three  thousand  Idumeans  in  Trachonitis. 
The  account  of  all  this,  given  by  Syllseus  to  Augustus, 
made  Herod  appear  as  a  reckless  disturber  of  the 
peace.  Upon  this  point  Augustus  was  very  sensitive, 
and  he  at  once  reprimanded  Herod  in  strong  terms, 
telling  him  that  he  should  henceforth  be  his  subject, 
not  his  friend.  The  message  brought  Herod  much 
anxiety  and  gave  fresh  stimulus  to  the  disorders  on 
the  frontier.  At  length  Nicolas  of  Damascus  was 
sent  to  Rome  to  put  the  whole  affair  in  its  true  charac- 
ter before  Augustus.  As  the  latter  saw  how  false  and 
malicious  Syllaeus  had  been,  he  wrote  to  Herod  ex- 
pressing repentance  for  the  severe  things  he  had  said, 
and  condemned  Syllaeus  to  death.  Obodas  II.  had 
died,  and  Augustus  would  have  added  the  Arabian 
kingdom  to  Herod's  dominions  had  not  a  letter  at  tliis 
time  from  Judea  suddenly  changed  his  purpose.     Be- 


INTKIGUES  IN  HEROD'S  COURT  209 

hind   that   letter   lies   another   dark,    painful   history 
(Ant.  xvi.  9,  1-4). 

228.  From  the  time  of  the  bitter  issue  of  the  palace 
intrigues  by  which  Alexander  had  been  thrown  into 
prison,  complete  distrust  reigned  in  the  court.  Herod 
had  confidence  in  nobody.  Safety  lay  only  in  divert- 
ing suspicion  from  one's  own  person  to  that  of  another 
(Ant.  xvi.  8,  2).  Just  at  this  time  a  Lacedaemonian, 
named  Eurycles,  appeared  in  Jerusalem  and  determined 
to  use  the  tense  conditions  in  the  palace  for  his  own 
gain.  The  man's  cunning  was  matched  only  by  his 
utter  baseness.  His  method  of  operation  was  "  to  be- 
have to  everybody  so  as  to  appear  to  be  his  particular 
friend,  and  he  made  others  believe  that  his  associating 
with  any  one  was  for  that  person's  advantage  "  (Ant. 
xvi.  10,  1).  In  this  way  he  was  clever  enough  to  gain 
the  confidences  of  Alexander,  Antipater,  and  Herod, 
and  in  addition  to  secure  a  fine  sum  of  money  in  the 
way  of  presents.  By  forged  letters  and  invented  deeds 
he  made  it  indubitably  appear  that  Alexander  and  Aris- 
tobulus  were  again  seeking  their  father's  death.  The 
two  were  cast  into  prison.  Salome  begged  Herod  to 
kill  them,  and  painful  scenes  attended  the  various  ex- 
aminations, but  the  king  would  not  act  until  he  had 
put  the  case  before  x4LUgustus.  The  letter  asking  per- 
mission to  put  the  young  princes  to  death  lost  to 
Herod  the  territory  of  Arabia.  Augustus  advised  the 
king  to  consider  carefully  what  he  was  doing  and  to 
get  the  aid  of  a  council  of  worthy  advisers.  This  was 
called  at  Berytus  and  was  made  up,  one  half  of  Ro- 
mans, the  other  of  Jews.  Herod  himself  was  the  ac- 
cu-ser  of  his  sons,  and  his  conduct  was  that  of  a  madman. 
Nevertheless  the  council  gave  him  his  desire,  against 

14 


210       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  noble  protest  of  some  of  the  Romans,  and  in  the 
year  7  B.  c.  the  two  young  men  were  strangled  at 
Samaria.  Only  one  voice  was  raised  in  protest  against 
the  awful  crime,  that  of  Teron,  an  old  soldier-friend  of 
Alexander's  father,  but  he  and  three  hundred  others 
accused  of  sympathy  with  the  princes  were  stoned  to 
death  by  Herod's  orders  (Ant.  xvi.  11,  1-7).  With 
the  death  of  these  two  rash  but  noble-minded  young 
men,  the  race  of  worthy,  admirable  Hasmoneans  came 
to  an  end.  In  no  succeeding  representative  of  the  line 
was  there  the  power  to  kindle  popular  enthusiasm. 

229.  Once  more  the  way  seemed  clear  to  quiet  and 
security.  Little  did  the  old  king  realize,  however,  that 
swift  Nemesis  would  soon  hold  up  to  scorn  and  horror 
the  clever,  all-powerful  Antipater.  Already  the  hatred 
of  the  nation  was  strong  against  him,  for,  despite  his 
dissimulations,  he  was  looked  upon  as  the  real  mur- 
derer of  his  brothers.  This,  however,  gave  him  slight 
uneasiness.  His  eyes  were  fixed  upon  the  throne,  and 
the  sight  of  Herod  yet  occupying  it  incited  his  fiend- 
ish cunning  to  its  utmost.  He  began  his  preparations 
for  the  final  step  to  actual  kingship  by  conciliating  his 
father's  friends  by  rich  presents,  and  his  masterful  de- 
ception might  have  succeeded  more  quickly  had  not 
the  lynx-eyed  Salome  seen  through  it  and  kept  her 
brother  informed.  He  in  turn  dared  not  act  upon  the 
information  which  Salome  gave  him  because  he  knew 
too  well  her  power  to  bear  false,  slandering  witness 
(Ant.  xvii.  1,  1). 

230.  Among  the  real  facts  she  had  ta  tell  Herod 
was  the  promise  the  Pharisees  had  made  to  Pheroras 
that  the  Judean  crown  should  be  taken  from  Herod 
and  given  to  him,  and  that  a  eunuch  named  Bagoas 


THE  PLOTS   OF  ANTIPATER  211 

should  raise  up  a  son  to  the  childless  Pheroras  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  word  of  Isaiah  (Ivi.  3).  "Let  not 
the  eunuch  say  I  am  a  dry  tree."  All  of  this  had 
Messianic  bearing;  indeed,  the  rumors  of  a  coming 
Messiah  were  now  undoubtedly  repeated  to  Herod. 
Prophecies  of  this  kind  he  both  feared  and  hated,  and 
the  Pharisees  who  were  trying  thus  to  give  them  cir- 
culation were  promptly  put  to  death.  Herod  asked 
Pheroras  to  put  his  wife  away,  for  she  was  intimately 
concerned  in  this  affair,  but  he  would  not,  and  retired 
with  her  to  his  tetrarchy  in  Perea.  Antipater  was 
forbidden  to  have  anything  to  do  with  them.  This 
command  he  respected  only  by  trying  to  avoid  dis- 
covery. The  fear  of  the  growing  suspicion  of  his 
father  led  him  to  ask  to  be  sent  to  Rome.  Herod 
gladly  gave  him  permission  to  go,  and  sent  with  him  to 
Augustus  the  will  in  which  he  was  named  as  the  suc- 
cessor to  the  throne.  In  Rome  he  continued  his  plot- 
tings,  but  events  meanwhile  were  taking  place  at  home 
by  which  the  eyes  of  Herod  were  opened  to  the  black 
villany  of  his  long  course  of  treachery.  The  death  of 
Pheroras  awakened  suspicion,  and  upon  investigation 
it  was  found  to  be  the  result  of  poison  given  by  his 
wife.  She  confessed  also  to  having  received  poison 
from  Antipater  to  kill  Herod.  While  the  investiga- 
tion was  in  progress,  Bathyllus,  Antipater's  freedman, 
arrived  from  Rome.  He  had  in  his  keeping  not  only 
letters  concocted  to  defame  Archelaus  and  Philip,  his 
brothers,  but  also  another  dose  of  poison  for  Herod 
(Ant.  xvii.  2,  4;   3, 1-2;  4,  1-3). 

231.  Maskiftg  his  rage,  the  king  sent  Antipater  a 
friendly  letter  asking  him  to  come  home.  Antipater 
had  not  heard  a  word  about  the  revelations  that  fol- 


212       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

lowed  the  death  of  Pheroras.  Not  a  man  had  been 
willing  to  warn  him,  and  he  had  no  suspicion  of  danger 
until  he  reached  Csesarea  and  found  no  one  to  greet 
him.  It  was  impossible  now  to  turn  back,  and  he  rode 
on  in  sullen  silence  to  Jerusalem.  His  reception  at 
the  palace  foretold  unmistakably  his  fate.  He  tried 
to  salute  Herod,  who  replied :  "  God  confound  you, 
you  vile  wretch !  Do  not  touch  me  till  you  have 
cleared  yourself  of  these  crimes  that  are  charged  upon 
you !  "  (J.  W.  i.  31,  5).  In  the  trial  that  followed, 
Herod's  review  of  the  man's  base  return  for  his  affec- 
tion was  indeed  pathetic.  The  young  man  himself 
made  a  wonderful  appeal  for  his  life.  The  proof  of 
his  guilt,  however,  was  overwhelming,  and  he  was  cast 
into  prison  to  await  the  word  of  Augustus.  This  came 
soon  after,  and  five  days  before  Herod  himself  died  the 
miserable  man  was  put  to  death  and  ''  ignobly  buried 
in  the  Hyrcanium  "  (Ant.  xvii.  5,  1-8 ;  7,  1). 

232.  Herod  was  now  an  old  man  of  seventy.  His 
long  life  had  been  full  of  resolute  activity,  and  for 
years  he  had  had  little  relief  from  the  terrible  tension 
of  suspicion  and  fear.  His  iron  constitution  broke  at 
last.  Nothing  since  the  death  of  Mariamne  had  so 
struck  at  the  very  centre  of  life  within  him  as  the 
exposure  of  Antipater.  Its  own  revelation  of  treach- 
ery, and  the  torturing  questions  which  it  put  in  refer- 
ence to  the  death  of  the  sons  of  Mariamne,  were  too 
much  for  the  weakened,  suffering*  old  man.  He  sank 
under  a  complication  of  disorders,  physical  and  mental. 
His  sickness  itself  inspired  horror.  The  news  of  it 
sent  a  thrill  of  joy  through  the  city,  and  measures  were 
at  once  taken  to  remove  the  hated  objects  of  his  heathen 
profanations.     The  golden  eagle  was  the  first  to  come 


THE  DEATH  OF  HEROD  213 

down,  and  then  such  images  as  were  found  elsewhere 
in  the  city.  The  haste,  however,  was  ill-timed.  As  a 
fire  that  seems  to  have  died  out  leaps  unexpectedly 
into  a  destructive  flame,  so  the  fury  of  Herod  burst 
forth  'once  more  at  the  tidings  of  the  zeal  of  the  rabbis 
and  their  scholars,  and  they  paid  for  their  rashness  with 
their  lives  (Ant.  xvii.  6,  1-4). 

233.  Death  was  now  looking  him  in  the  face.  He 
had  tried  in  vain  the  baths  of  Callirrhoe.  His  physi- 
cians could  do  no  more  for  him.  The  utter  desolation 
of  his  soul  maddened  him.  He  sent  for  Salome  and 
bade  her  summon  all  the  principal  men  of  the  nation, 
shut  them  up  in  the  hippodrome,  and  at  the  announce- 
ment of  his  death  massacre  them,  so  that  there  should 
be  mourning  at  his  funeral.  The  great  company  was 
imprisoned  within  the  hippodrome,  but  was  not  massa- 
cred. Salome  released  them,  and  Herod  was  un- 
mourned.  The  splendid  funeral,  with  its  bier  of  gold, 
its  odor  of  burning  spices  and  sweet  incense,  its  mili- 
tary display,  and  all  its  regal  pomp  had  in  it  not  one 
touch  of  sorrow. 

234.  "  In  the  days  of  Herod  the  King,"  in  a  quiet 
Judean  village,  a  babe  was  born  whose  coming  gave  to 
Herod's  reign  its  deepest  interest  for  all  time.  Word 
was  first  brought  to  him  of  the  singular  character  of 
this  unknown  child  by  the  inquiries  of  wise  men 
from  the  East.  That  question,  "  Where  is  he  that  is 
born  King  of  the  Jews  ? "  started  afresh  the  anxious 
fears  which  every  Messianic  prophecy  or  hope  caused 
Herod.  An  enrollment,  required  by  Augustus  and 
carried  out  in  accordance  with  Jewish  custom,  had 
taken  Joseph  and  Mary  to  Bethlehem.  When  Herod 
learned  that  prophecy  pointed  to  this  very  town  as  the 


214       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

birthplace  of  the  Messiah  (Matt.  ii.  4-6),  his  fears 
gave  speed  to  the  execution  of  his  plan  to  insure  the 
death  of  the  unwelcome  child  by  a  general  slaughter 
of  the  children  of  Bethlehem.  How  the  deed  failed  of 
its  purpose  ;  how  the  kingdom  of  the  child-king  slowly 
widened  beyond  the  dominions  of  Herod  and  of 
Augustus,  —  is  a  matter  of  record  not  simply  in  the 
history  of  the  Jews,  but  in  the  history  of  the  world. 
Like  many  another  embodiment  of  the  hatred  and 
determination  of  evil,  Herod  by  "  the  slaughter  of  the 
innocents  "  sought  to  stay  the  saving  purpose  of  God. 
His  pitia])le  impotence  was  and  ever  will  be  a  striking 
illustration  of  the  utter  futility  of  any  earthly  power 
which  seeks  to  do  what  he  did  that  dark  day  in 
Bethlehem. 


VII 

THE  INNER  LIFE  OF  THE  NATION 

235.  The  complex  interests  and  external  brilliancy 
of  Herod's  long  reign  engage  naturally  the  complete 
attention  of  the  historian.  Augustus  and  the  Roman 
officials,  Herod  and  his  court,  the  high-priest  and  the 
Jewish  nobles,  the  Greeks  and  their  Hellenistic  cities, 
are  all  factors  in  a  problem  whose  outworking  in  the 
days  of  the  Idumean  king  was  of  absorbing  interest. 
An  interest  yet  deeper,  however,  centres  in  the  life  of 
the  people,  for  that  life,  inspired  by  stern  ambitions 
and  quickened  by  large  hopes,  was  also  working  out 
issues  of  earnest  import.  Except  when  in  moments  of 
indignation  a  righteous  spirit  flamed  forth  against  the 
heathenish  deeds  of  Herod,  the  nation's  life  moved 
quietly  and  with  the  monotony  of  every-day  routine. 
It  was  a  still,  strong  current  revealing  its  depth  and 
power  only  against  the  obstacles  that  were  at  times 
thrown  defiantly  in  its  way.  These  times  of  opposition 
are,  therefore,  of  more  than  passing  interest.  They 
are  indices,  exponents,  of  that  inward  development 
which  is,  after  all,  the  essential  part  of  a  nation's  his- 
tory. As  the  critical  moments  of  antagonism  measure 
the  force  of  a  nation's  inner  life,  so  the  institutions 
which  are  dear  to  it  reveal  the  quality  of  that  life  and 
the  literature  which  comes  out  of  it,  its  trend  or  direc- 
tion.    Power,  quality,  direction,  —  these  are  the  char- 


216       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

acteristics   the   knowledge   of  which   enables  one  to 
speak  of  the  inner  life  of  a  nation. 

236.  Already  many  illustrations  of  the  first  charac- 
teristic have  been  before  us.  The  cheering  crowd  that 
nerved  the  daring  despoilers  of  the  golden  eagle  on 
the  temple ;  the  silent  multitude  which  received  in 
distrust  and  fear  Herod's  proposals  to  build  a  new 
temple  ;  the  abiding  hatred  which  all  his  achievements 
could  not  overcome,  —  these  speak  of  the  intensity  of 
that  life  which  was  unalterably  opposed  to  the  foreign 
influences  embodied  and  promoted  by  Herod.  The 
whole  Maccabean  period  itself  was  a  revelation  of  it. 

237.  The  institutions  in  which  such  life  was  nour- 
ished and  developed  were  the  home,  the  synagogue, 
the  school,  and  the  temple.  All  had  one  common 
central  object  of  interest  and  devotion,  —  the  law. 
All  sought  to  transmute  into  the  fibre  and  sinew  of 
character  the  precepts  derived  from  its  pages.  By 
them  all  the  way  of  its  requirements  was  considered 
the  way  of  life.  Hence  began  in  the  earliest  and  most 
impressible  years  of  childhood  that  instruction  which 
was  to  instil  into  the  little  mind  love  and  reverence 
for  the  religion  of  his  people.  Their  history,  full  of 
the  care  and  guidance  of  God,  of  the  brave  and  noble 
deeds  of  heroes  and  prophets,  and  of  events  of  deep 
religious  significance,  was  opened  to  him.  He  was 
taught  to  repeat  verses  from  the  law,  benedictions,  and 
wise  sayings,  and  at  a  very  early  age  began  to  learn  to 
read.  "We  devote,"  says  Josephus,  ''the  greatest 
pains  to  the  education  of  children,  and  make  the  ob- 
servance of  the  law  and  the  rules  of  piety  which  have 
been  given  us  the  most  important  of  our  lives " 
(Against  Apion  i.  12).     Judaism  thus  laid  its  founda- 


THE  EDUCATION  OF  JEWISH  CHILDREN         217 

tions  securely  in  the  mind  of  childhood.  Her  children 
Trere  to  grow  up  in  the  "  nurture  and  admonition  "  of 
the  law.  Her  spirit  was  to  move  the  tender,  sensitive, 
responsive  spirits  of  the  little  ones.  By  birth  they 
were  partakers  of  the  covenant ;  by  training  they  must 
learn  the  way  to  the  largest  realization  of  that  cove- 
nant's blessings.  The  home  life  was  in  an  atmosphere 
of  piety.  With  the  first  awakening  consciousness  of 
the  child  began  those  impressions  of  the  religious  in- 
terests of  father  and  mother  which  prepared  the  way 
for  the  teaching  of  the  law  and  all  along  enforced  its 
precepts. 

238.  There  is  no  good  reason  for  rejecting  the  tra- 
dition regarding  Simon  ben  Shetach's  endeavor  to 
establish  schools  for  young  children  (see  sect.  132), 
although  it  is  probable  that  elementary  schools  did 
not  exist  in  any  large  number  until  considerably  later 
than  the  time  of  Christ.  The  establishment  of  them 
in  every  province  and  town  is  attributed  to  Jesus,  the 
son  of  Gamaliel  (63-65  A.  d.).  When  such  a  school 
existed,  it  was  in  connection  with  the  synagogue. 
For  the  great  mass  of  Jewish  boys  there  was  no  further 
direct,  personal  instruction  than  that  wliich  was  given 
at  home,  or  in  one  of  the  elementary  schools,  if  such 
existed  before  Christ's  time.  All  higher  education 
in  the  way  of  schools  was  only  for  those  who  were 
destined  to  be  students  of  the  law.  This  does  not 
mean,  however,  in  the  case  of  those  who  worked  in 
the  fields,  or  at  their  trades,  that  the  impressions  of 
childhood  were  left  to  grow  dim  and  finally  fade  away. 
On  the  contrary,  the  developing  lad  was,  as  the  years 
went  on,  brought  more  and  more  into  inevitable  obliga- 
tion to  the  observances  of   the  law,  and  at  the  first 


218       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

appearance  of  the  signs  of  manhood  he  entered  upon 
his  full  service. 

239.  Meanwhile  instruction  came  to  him  through 
the  instrumentality  of  that  distinctive  institution  of 
post-exilic  Judaism,  —  the  synagogue.  This  was  the 
true  school  of  the  nation.  The  primary  purpose  of 
the  synagogue  was  not  devotion,  but  instruction. 
Whether  the  origin  of  the  institution  be  traceable  to 
the  exile,  or  to  the  time  of  Ezra,  it  became  the  most 
telling  factor  in  the  development  of  that  Judaism 
which  was  ready  to  suffer,  and  to  war,  if  need  be,  for 
the  law.  It  gathered  the  people  of  the  whole  land 
together  into  its  assemblies  on  the  Sabbath  and  on 
feast  days  in  order  to  expound  to  them  the  scriptures. 
By  that  exposition  it  made  its  frequenters  familiar 
with  the  lofty  moral  elements  in  the  law  and  with  the 
exalted  spiritual  ideals  of  the  prophets.  It  is  true  that 
the  expositions  of  the  scribes,  who  found  a  fine  scope 
for  their  ability  in  the  synagogue,  were  often  marred 
by  the  refinements  of  casuistry,  or  by  the  perversions 
of  allegorical  explanation,  but  there  were  also  the  inter- 
pretation of  real  insight  and  the  inspiration  of  noble 
vision. 

240.  The  synagogue  was  the  social  religious  centre 
of  the  town.  In  communities  preponderatingly  Jew- 
ish, the  local  council  of  elders  possessed  both  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  authority ;  they  exercised  control  in 
the  affairs  of  the  synagogue.  .  One  of  their  number 
was  generally  the  ruler  of  the  synagogue,  and  it  was 
his  duty  to  appoint  readers  and  preachers  for  the  ser- 
vices. The  "  minister  "  was  the  official  who  kept  the 
building  and  the  paraphernalia  in  order,  and  attended 
to  the  scripture  rolls  for  reading ;  he  also  had  charge 


THE   SYNAGOGUE   SERVICE  219 

of  the  execution  of  the  sentence  of  scourging  when- 
ever pronounced  by  the  synagogue.  The  order  of  ser- 
vice in  the  time  of  Christ  and  for  some  time  before 
his  coming  was  comparatively  simple.  It  began  with 
the  recitation  by  a  leader  of  a  sort  of  confession  of 
faith  (Deut.  vi.  4-9;  xi.  13-21;  Numbers  xv.  37- 
41).  The  congregation  meanwhile  stood  with  their 
faces  toward  the  Holy  of  Holies  at  Jerusalem  and 
responded  at  intervals  with  an  "  amen."  Then  came 
the  lesson  from  the  law,  the  reading  of  which  was 
distributed  among  seven  men,  each  taking  at  least 
three  verses  and  waiting  after  each  verse  for  its  trans- 
lation from  Hebrew  into  Aramaic,  the  language  of  the 
people,  by  a  special  interpreter.  A  brief  prayer  of 
thanksgiving  preceded  and  followed  each  section  of 
the  reading.  After  the  law,  thus  read,  followed  a 
lesson  from  the  prophets,  which  was  freely  interpreted 
or  even  paraphrased  and  made  the  basis  for  the  dis- 
course of  the  day.  The  exercises  closed  with  a  bene- 
diction which  took  the  form  of  a  prayer  if  no  priest 
was  present  to  pronounce  it  as  a  benediction. 

241.  This  plain  service,  with  its  emphasis  upon  in- 
struction, afforded  the  people  constant  contact  with  the 
results,  methods,  aims,  and  spirit  of  one  of  the  most 
potent  forces  in  the  life  of  the  nation.  It  was  possible 
for  any  suitable  person  who  felt  that  he  had  a  message 
to  step  forward  and  address  the  audience,  as  Jesus  did 
in  the  synagogue  at  Nazareth,  but  usually  and  natu- 
rally this  duty  devolved  upon  those  who  were  fitted  for 
it,  and  they  were  the  scribes.  The  synagogue  was  to 
them  an  open  door  of  opportunity  through  which  to 
reach  the  nation  and  to  bring  to  it  the  fruits  of  years 
of  devotion  to  the  study  of  the  law.     "  Lovely  was  it," 


220       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD   OF   JEWISH  HISTORY 

reads  the  Targum  on  Judges  v.  9,  describing  in  reality 
the  rabbis  of  Herodian  times,  "  as  they  sat  in  the  syna- 
gogues and  taught  the  people  the  words  of  the  law, 
when  they  pronounced  the  blessing  and  professed  the 
truth  before  God.  Their  own  business  did  they  make 
of  no  less  account,  and  rode  upon  asses  through  the 
whole  land,  and  sat  upon  the  seit  of  judgment." 

242.  The  name  "  scribe  "  applied  originally  to  those 
who  made  copies  of  the  law,  but  it  soon  acquired  a 
wider  significance,  since  care  for  the  text  involved  a 
study  of  it  and  often  comment  upon  it.  Whatever  the 
position  and  influence  of  the  scribes  before  and  during 
the  exile,  the  policy  of  Ezra  (Ezra  vii.  10),  who  himself 
was  more  a  scribe  than  a  priest,  gave  a  new  impulse  to 
the  service  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed.  The 
men  who  sought  to  realize  his  ideal  of  seeking  the  laAV 
of  the  Lord,  of  doing  it,  and  of  "teaching  in  Israel 
statutes  and  judgments,"  found  their  time  fully  occu- 
pied. They  could  not  make  this  earnest  work  second- 
ary. "  Tlie  wisdom  of  the  scribe  cometh  by  opportunity 
of  leisure,"  says  the  Son  of  Sirach  (xxxviii.  24),  and 
that  opportunity  was  gained  in  making  their  labor  an 
independent  profession.  By  the  beginning  of  the  Greek 
period  they  had  formed  themselves  into  a  guild  of  bib- 
lical scholars,  and  by  their  diligence  and  zeal  gradually 
took  from  the  priests  the  guardianship  of  the  law.  Nor 
was  it  only  in  mere  theoretical  interests  that  their  work 
was  carried  on.  Life  in  all  its  reach  and  complexity 
must  ultimately  be  covered  by  the  commands  and  re- 
quirements of  the  law,  and  the  solemnity  of  the  rela- 
tionship of  life  and  law  lay  in  a  strong  faith  in  divine 
retribution.  Duty  was  thus  pressed  home  upon  the 
conscience.     The  highest  welfare  of  the  individual,  as 


THE  EXPANSION  OP  THE  LAW  221 

well  as  of  the  nation,  was  in  obedience,  —  an  obedience, 
however,  whose  interpretation  was  not  satisfied  in  a 
free  response  to  a  great  principle  of  action,  but  in  that 
demand  for  attention  to  the  details  of  duty  which 
finally,  by  a  multiplicity  of  rules,  shut  the  principle 
away  from  sight.  Hence  the  threefold  task  of  the 
scribes,  —  to  expand  the  law,  to  teach  it,  and  to 
administer  it. 

243.  It  was  the  complexity  of  life  that  compelled 
the  expansion  of  the  law.  No  written  law  can  meet  all 
the  exigencies  of  experience  nor  even  the  details  of 
commonplace  routine ;  but  question  after  question 
sprang  up  from  just  these  sources,  and  in  the  effort  to 
answer  the  questions  accumulated  slowly  the  mass  of 
oral  traditions  which  came  ultimately  to  have  the  value 
of  the  law  itself.  It  was  in  the  higher  schools,  notably 
in  those  found  in  Jerusalem,  that  the  discussions  were 
carried  on  which  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  such 
interpretative  additions  to  the  law  itself  as  met  the 
needs  of  experience  and  at  the  same  time  put  a  "  hedge 
about  the  law ;  "  that  is,  kept  its  force  inviolate.  It  was 
to  the  schools  that  boys  of  promise  were  sent  to  be 
fitted  for  the  honorable  position  of  the  rabbi.  It  was 
from  these  schools  that  the  teachers  in  the  synagogue 
came  to  give  to  the  people  the  benefit  of  their  learning 
and  to  quicken  fidelity.  The  two  readings  in  the  ser- 
vice of  a  Sabbath  morning  gave  opportunity  for  the 
expression  of  the  twofold  wisdom  of  the  scribes. 
Their  comment  upon  the  Pentateuchal  law  was  in  the 
form  of  legal  precept  and  was  called  by  them  "  Halacha," 
or  binding  rule ;  their  discourses  upon  the  prophets,  in 
which  imagination  had  fair  play,  often  in  the  form  of 
parable  or  legend,  were  described  as  "Haggada,"  or 


222       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

edifying  comment.  One  form  of  teaching  was  explicit, 
regulative,  and  authoritative ;  the  other  was  imagina- 
tive, mystical,  often  transcendental.  One  defined  duty ; 
the  other  often  merely  satisfied  curiosity.  One  aimed 
to  bring  this  life  completely  under  the  domain  of  law ; 
the  other,  upon  the  wings  of  speculation,  entered  the 
realm  of  angels,  or  of  evil  spirits,  or  into  that  happy 
future  time  when  the  Messiah  should  come. 

244.  A  good  specimen  of  the  manner  in  which  hag- 
gadistic  tradition  sought  thus  to  satisfy  a  useless  curi- 
osity is  found  in  the  Book  of  Jubilees,  —  a  work  full  of 
stories  and  fables  regarding  the  patriarchs  and  intent 
upon  showing  that  the  law  existed  from  eternity,  and 
was  observed  by  the  angels  in  all  its  directions  concern- 
ing festivals  and  ceremonies.  Entertaining  as  all  this 
was,  it  was  nevertheless  in  the  Halacha  that  the  spirit 
of  Judaism  attained  its  completest  expression.  Under 
the  pleasing  delusion  of  honoring  God's  will  was  de- 
veloped a  system  of  exactions  and  restrictions  which 
gratified  intellectual  pride  and  at  the  same  time  offered 
a  detailed  program  for  a  holy  life.  Two  themes  es- 
pecially were  the  subject  of  repeated  discussion  and 
definition,  and  they  are  good  examples  of  the  aim  and 
method  of  this  whole  line  of  tradition.  These  were  the 
sanctity  of  the  Sabbath  and  the  requirements  concern- 
ing both  cleanness  and  uncleanness.  In  the  Mishna, 
which  is  the  collection  of  the  oral  traditions  made  at 
the  end  of  the  second  century  a.  d.,  there  are  thirty- 
nine  kinds  of  work  expressly  prohibited  on  the  Sabbath, 
each  of  which,  by  casuistical  application,  was  made  to 
include  other  works  fancifully  allied  to  that  in  the 
main  prohibition.  The  day  was  made  a  burdensome, 
wearying  complex  ol^uties,  both  positive  and  negative. 


THE   WORK  OF  SCRIBISM  223 

In  the  same  spirit  was  developed  the  tiresome  explicit- 
ness  regarding  ceremonial  purity  and  purification.  No 
less  than  twelve  treatises  in  the  Mishna  are  devoted 
to  the  subject.  There  was,  indeed,  practically  no  end 
to  the  possible  ramifications  of  scribal  casuistry.  It  was 
an  astonishing  thing  when  Jesus,  in  reverent  originality 
and  calm,  passionless  independence,  put  away  tradition, 
and  with  an  "  I  say  unto  you,"  went  back  to  what  has 
been  called  "  the  mother  speech  of  all  religion." 

245.  Scribism  was  in  full  power  when  his  fresh, 
heaven-sent  message  was  heard  in  Galilee  and  Judea. 
The  traditions  were  at  that  time  only  orally  ti-ans- 
mitted.  The  marks,  therefore,  of  successful  pupils  in 
the  schools  were  a  good  memory  and  scrupulous  care 
to  add  nothing  to  what  was  taught  them.  The  highest 
compliment  a  scholar  could  receive  was  to  be  com- 
pared to  a  cemented  well  which  loses  not  a  drop  of 
water  (Sayings  of  the  Fathers,  ii.  8).  Repetition  was 
the  soul  of  knowledge.  "  It  hath  been  said  "  was  the 
watchword  of  attention.  Religious  life  was  loaded 
down  with  the  oppressive  weight  of  these  punctiliously 
repeated  additions.  Even  the  Mishna  was  itself  fur- 
nished with  a  commentary  called  the  Gemara,  until  at 
last  in  comment  upon  comment  the  basal  precept  was 
often  beyond  recognition. 

246.  As  life  was  thus  in  every  detail  of  it  lifted 
into  the  sphere  of  a  religious  legalism,  the  adminis- 
trative function  of  the  scribe  became  an  inevitable 
consequence.  Who  could  so  well  determine  what 
was  right,  that  is,  what  was  legal,  as  he  ?  He  was  by 
his  very  position  a  jurist.  It  is,  therefore,  but  natu- 
ral that  scribes  should  have  place  and  power  in  the 
Sanhedrin.     In  this  highest  court  of  the  nation  they 


224       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

figured  with  imposing  efficiency.  In  their  several 
capacities  of  teachers,  preachers,  and  judges,  they  thus 
became  the  guides  of  the  nation.  They  were  the 
strength  of  the  Pharisees,  to  which  party  nearly  all 
of  them  belonged,  and  with  all  the  urgency  of  a  zeal 
to  save  the  nation  by  a  carefully  prescribed  righteous- 
ness, they  seconded  all  endeavors  to  make  religious 
rather  than  political  ideals  the  goal  of  the  nation's 
striving. 

247.  Our  New  Testament  is  witness  to  the  honor 
which  they  received  among  the  people  (Matt,  xxiii. 
6,  7),  and  the  Mishna  defines  clearly  their  right  to 
receive  it.  According  to  its  teachings,  the  rabbis 
were  the  lamp  and  shield  bearers  of  Israel,  the  princes 
of  the  people  and  the  fathers  of  the  world ;  a  rabbi  was 
worthy  of  the  same  reverence  as  God  himself  (Weber, 
Jiidische  Theologie,  p.  125).  The  consequences  of 
such  claims  as  these  are  all  too  clearly  seen  in  the 
pride  and  arrogance  which  sought  out  the  foremost 
places  in  the  synagogues  and  received  with  self- 
flattering  satisfaction  the  reverential  greetings  of  men 
in  the  market-place  (Matt,  xxiii.  6-7).  All  of  the 
scribes,  however,  were  not  of  this  character.  Among 
them  were  men  of  the  noblest  type ;  men  who  with  all 
their  learning  and  influence  lived  humble.  God-fearing 
lives.  Such  was  Hillel,  a  contemporary  of  Herod, 
about  whose  name  many  mythical  stories  have  gathered, 
and  who  said,  "  What  you  would  not  have  done  to 
you  do  not  to  others."  Such  were  Gamaliel  and  Simon, 
his  son.  Their  exceptional  character  is  the  more  strik- 
ing in  the  fact  that  they  lived  in  the  days  when  the 
legitimate  results  of  the  methods  and  aims  of  scribism 
were  sadly  evident  inJ)oth  the  schools  and  the  nation. 


THE   EFFECT  OF  THE   WORK  OF  THE   SCRIBES     225 

248.    It  has  with  truth  been  said  that  ''  the   early 
scribes   were    not   the    enslavers   of    the   people,   but 
instead  consecrated,  zealous,  efficient  teachers  who  by 
their  faithful  instruction  pointed  out  to  the  masses  the 
way  of  righteousness  and  gave  to  the  forms  of  worship 
a  meaning  which  they  had  never  before  possessed" 
(Kent,  vol.  iii.  sect.  238).     Time  and  method  changed 
all  this.     Instead  of  deepening  and  enriching  religious 
life,  all  this  zeal  for  the  law  brought  about  a  pitiable 
externalization  of  it.     Free  moral  action  in  the  light 
of   great   principles  was   exchanged   for   an  outward, 
rule-defined  constraint  which  became  more  and  more 
burdensome.     Trivial   duties   were   placed    upon    the 
same  level  with  those  of  an  exalted  character.     The 
result  was  an  entire  lack  of  moral  perspective.     The 
quality  of  an  act  was  simply  in  its  conformity  or  non- 
conformity  to   a   given    requirement.     "Moral   duty 
was  split  up  into  an  endless  atomistic  multitude  of 
separate  duties  and  obligations."     The  process  insured 
the   slow,  sure   death   of   all   joyous   moral   freedom. 
Nowhere  in  the  Gospels  are  sterner  words  to  be  found 
than  in  those  with  which  Jesus  addressed  these  mislead- 
ing teachers.     ''  Woe  unto  you,  scribes  and  Pharisees, 
hypocrites  1 "  is  the  terrible  refrain  of  the  twenty-third 
chapter  of  Matthew,  and  that  chapter  is  a  startling 
summary  of  what  these  learned  doctors  had  done  and 
were  doing  for  Judaism  in  Palestine  during  the  days 
of  the  Maccabean  and  the  Roman  supremacy. 

249.  It  has  been  said  that  the  synagogue  was  the 
rival  of  the  temple.  If  so,  the  rivalry  was  entirely 
unconscious.  It  was  expressed  in  the  strength  of 
the  hold  of  the  synagogue  upon  the  Jews  both  in 
Palestine   and  in  the   dispersion  rather  than  in  any 

15 


226       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

voice  exalting  one  institution  at  tli«  expense  of  the 
other.  No  voice,  indeed,  could  be  loyal  to  the  law 
and  at  the  same  time  depreciate  in  the  slightest  the 
great  central  shrine  of  the  nation's  faith.  Hence  it 
happened  that  while  the  scribes  were  often  quite  out 
of  sympathy  with  the  higher  caste  of  the  priesthood, 
they  elaborated  with  their  customary  care  the  pre- 
cepts regarding  the  sanctuary.  Nor  was  it  simply  in 
the  multiplied  requirements  of  the  scribal  traditions 
that  the  temple's  honor  and  service  were  faithfully 
guarded.  Its  daily  offerings,  were  a  relief  to  burdened 
hearts  wherever  the  expanded  law  by  its  pressure  upon 
conscience  had  quickened  the  sense  of  sin.  And  even 
where  the  sacrificial  offering  was  the  climacteric  ex- 
pression of  punctilious  formal  observances,  the  visible 
means  of  approach  to  God,  of  the  atonement  for  sin, 
and  of  the  renewal  of  a  holy  covenant  were  looked  upon 
as  a  necessity.  This  is  shown  in  the  fact  that  private 
offerings  and  sacrifices  far  outnumbered  those  that 
were  public.  All  day  long  the  priests  were  busy  with 
these  offerings,  —  witnesses  of  the  effort  to  secure  the 
favor  of  God.  There  is  no  contradiction  between  this 
fidelity  and  the  externalization  of  religious  life.  The 
fidelity  was  on  the  line  of  the  formalism,  and  imposing 
as  the  ritual  of  the  temple  was,  it  was,  even  before  the 
days  of  the  Saviour,  an  elaborate  complex  of  services 
which  expressed  in  highest  forms  the  satisfaction  of 
legal  requirement.  That  there  was  in  it  no  reality  at 
all  would  be  a  statement  wide  of  the  truth.  There 
were  faithful  'priests  and  earnest  worshippers,  but 
beside  the  altar  and  within  the  sacred  courts  were 
influences  at  work  which  were  undermining  the  vital 
import  of   the    sacrifices.     The   higher   ranks  of   the 


SIGNIFICANCE   OF  THE  TEMPLE   SERVICE        227 

priesthood  and  the  scribes  were  both  in  different 
■ways  and  with  different  aims  helping  on  this  same 
issue. 

250.  Despite  the  formal  equality  of  the  whole  body 
of  priests  there  were  formed  about  given  families 
from  whom  high  officials  had  been  taken,  or  who  by 
especial  circumstances  had  secured  marked  favors, 
certain  coteries  which  claimed  superiority  and  which 
were  responsive  to  all  the  worldly  influences  about 
them.  The  emoluments  of  their  office  brought  them 
wealth  and  luxury,  and  gave  them  little  interest  in 
the  spiritual  demands  of  their  exalted  position.  These 
priests  were  Sadducean  in  their  political  altitude  and 
had  awakened  the  distrust  of  the  nation.  Indeed, 
from  the  time  that  the  office  of  high-priest  had  been 
at  the  disposal  of  the  civil  ruler,  the  glory  of  the 
priesthood  had  been  shadowed.  Add  to  this  the  fact 
that  the  great  body  of  the  ordinary  priests  aspired  to 
no  knowledge  beyond  the  routine  of  the  temple  ser- 
vice, and  it  is  not  difficult  to  understand  how  the 
doctors  of  the  law  gradually  supplanted  them  in  in- 
fluence and  authority.  Here  there  were  two  forces 
which  were,  each  in  its  own  way,  devitalizing  the  wor- 
ship of  the  Holy  place ;  one  by  a  mere  professional 
attention  to  sacred  duties,  the  other  by  an  externaliza- 
tion  of  duty  itself.  And  yet  the  temple  was  thronged 
at  the  great  festivals,  and  each  day  from  the  moment 
when  the  rays  of  the  rising  sun  first  fell  upon  Hebron, 
and  the  cry  was  made,  "it  is  day  at  Hebron,"  the 
courts  of  the  Holy  place  were  alive  with  the  varied 
interests  of  religious  praise  and  devotion.  Nor  did 
that  devotion  cease  till  the  altar  and  the  Holy  of 
Holies  were  cast  down  in  hopeless  ruin  by  the  Ro- 


228       THE   ROMAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

mans.  The  priests  themselves  grew  more  arrogant 
and  worldly-minded  (Ant.  xx.  9,  2) ;  the  scribes  kept 
adding  to  the  traditions,  and  yet  the  life  of  the  nation 
tightened  its  hold  upon  the  law. 

251.  Why  it  all  was  so  must  be  answered  in  our 
consideration  of  the  determining  motives  of  Judaism, 
and  for  that  we  must  turn  to  the  literature  which 
expressed  the  hopes  and  the  dreams  of  the  nation. 
These  centre  about  that  all-important  figure  of  later 
Judaism,  —  the  Messiah.  He  was  to  come  because 
the  people  had  been  faithful.  And  then,  too,  he  was 
to  come  to  make  the  nation  glorious,  —  a  faithful 
nation  made  supreme  and  immortal  by  a  triumphing 
Messiah;  under  the  glory  of  that  hope  the  scribes 
might  divide  the  law  till  its  minute  exactions  left 
nothing  out,  and  the  people  would  attend  if  only  their 
hope  might  have  fruition.  "  If  Israel  could  keep  only 
two  Sabbaths  as  they  should  be  kept,  redemption 
would  come  at  once,"  was  the  word  of  one  of  the 
rabbis,  and  it  expresses  what  is  said  once  and  again 
in  the  Mishna,  that  Israel's  redemption  was  dependent' 
upon  her  repentance  and  fulfilment  of  the  law.  Amid 
the  dark  days  of  foreign  interference  and  oppression, 
the  hope  brightened  and  enlarged  till  its  scope  was 
commensurate  with  the  world. 

252.  The  earliest  unquestioned  reference  to  the  Mes- 
siah in  Apocalyptic  literature  is  found  in  the  second 
part  of  the  Book  of  Enoch  (Ixxxiii.-xc),  written  be- 
tween 166-161  B.  c,  and  it  gives  us  simply  the  asso- 
ciation of  his  name  with  the  great  changes  which  God 
himself  was  to  bring  about.  The  Messiah  was  to  ap- 
pear after  the  adversaries  of  the  righteous  had  been  de- 
stroyed, and  God  had  set  up  the  New  Jerusalem.     In 


THE  LATER  MESSIANIC  HOPES  229 

the  fourth  part  of  the  same  work  (xxxvii.-lxx.),  which 
dates  from  the  first  half  of  the  first  century  b.  c,  the 
Messiah  is  represented  as  a  supernatural  being,  and  in 
conceptions  corresponding  with  that  concerning  his 
origin  are  set  forth  his  universal  dominion  and  the 
blessedness  of  those  who  shall  dwell  with  him  in 
righteousness  and  peace.  With  the  same  exalted  tone 
the  Psalms  of  Solomon  (Psalms  xvii.-xviii.)  tell  of  a 
righteous  king,  pure  from  sin,  who  shall  gather  to- 
gether the  dispersed  of  Israel,  banish  the  unbelieving 
Gentile  from  the  nation,  destroy  the  ungodly  and 
establish  such  a  glorious  reign  that  from  the  ends 
of  the  earth  men  shall  come  to  see  it. 

253.  On  down  through  the  first  century  the  Mes- 
sianic hope  held  before  the  hearts  of  the  faithful  the 
vision  of  rest  and  joy.  Jesus  came  and  preached  and 
died.  The  nation  saw  no  hope  in  him.  The  Book  of 
Jubilees  can  tell  of  only  the  old,  weary  way  to  the 
longed-for  glory.  A  time  of  bitterness  and  sorrow 
shall  quicken  the  hearts  of  all  to  do  ''all  his  com- 
mandments and  his  ordinances  and  all  his  laws,  with- 
out departing  either  to  the  right  hand  or  to  the  left." 
Then  slowly,  surely  the  days  of  rejoicing  will  come, 
all  enemies  shall  be  destroyed  and  the  days  shall  all 
be  days  of  blessing.  In  the  same  way  the  Assumption 
of  Moses  (7-29  A.  d.)  conditions  the  coming  of  the 
Messianic  kingdom  upon  the  nation's  repentance,  and 
promises,  for  the  happy  time  which  that  repentance 
shall  usher  in,  the  destruction  of  Israel's  enemies  and 
her  exaltation  even  to  heaven. 

254.  Nor  was  the  voice  of  cheer  and  hope  heard 
only  in  Palestine  where  the  hated  Roman  and  his 
despised  vassals  —  the   Herods  —  made    more  intense 


230       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  desire  for  deliverance.  Judaism  in  Alexandria 
was  dreaming  and  propliesying  about  the  same  happy 
time.  In  a  form  consonant  with  its  general  character 
the  Book  of  Wisdom  expects  a  Messianic  kingdom 
(iii.  7,  8),  and  that  kingdom  is  the  ultimate  blessing 
in  the  Sibyl's  prophetic  vision  of  the  future  (iii.  652- 
794).  Even  Philo,  whose  deepest  interest  was  in  the 
philosophic  interpretation  of  his  faith,  looked  forward 
to  a  consummation  in  the  nation's  history  when  the 
despised  should  gather  from  all  parts  of  the  earth  to 
the  Holy  Land  and  there  enjoy  immeasurable  blessings, 
material  as  well  as  spiritual  (De  Execrat.  sect.  8,  9; 
De  Prem.  et  Poem.  sect.  15-20). 

255.  About  this  hope  also  clustered  a  group  of 
teachings  which  intensified  its  charm.  Jerusalem 
should  be  renovated  and  become  the  centre  of  the 
world-wide  kingdom  of  the  Messiah.  Death  should 
give  up  every  righteous  soul  that  had  entered  its 
shadowy  dominions.  In  the  reconstructed  nation  right- 
eousness and  peace  should  make  possible  all  earthly 
blessings. 

256.  At  the  same  time  that  Jesus  walked  with 
ruthless  feet  through  the  tangled  meshes  of  scribal 
sophistry  and  taught  the  way  of  the  true  fulfilment 
of  the  law,  he  watched  with  earnest  care  lest  that 
magic  word  "Messiah"  should  fall  in  public  from  his 
lips.  The  quivering  expectation  of  the  hour  he  dared 
not  answer  in  a  word,  and  his  own  heart  must  have 
been  sad  indeed,  when  in  that  moment  of  entry  into 
Jerusalem  amid  the  loud  hosannas,  he  realized  that  he 
could  not,  must  not,  satisfy  the  nation's'  dreams.  Thus, 
then,  Judaism  lived  out  its  inner  life.  Upon  its  stern 
severity  fell  the  genial  light  of  Hellenism,  attracting 


DIFFERENT  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  MESSIANIC  HOPE    231 

some  toward  the  sunnier  life.  Others  held  the  happy 
medium  which  took  the  best  from  the  nation's  gift 
and  from  the  great  world  outside.  Others  still  in 
whose  hearts  the  Spirit  worked  his  will,  kept  the 
"  inner  law  divine,"  bat  the  great  mass  of  the  people, 
the  nation  as  a  whole,  toiled  under  the  burden  of  the 
law  and  cheered  their  weary  way  by  hopes  of  blessed 
days  to  come,  which  hope  grew  intenser  with  the 
years. 


VIII 

herod's  sons  and  king  agrippa 

257.  Immediately  after  the  public  announcement 
of  Herod's  death  his  last  will  was  read  to  a  large 
gathering  of  soldiers  and  people  in  the  amphitheatre 
at  Jericho.  By  its  provisions,  which  could  not  go  into 
effect  until  approved  by  Augustus,  Archelaus,  a  son 
by  Malthace,  was  to  receive  the  royal  title  with  Judea, 
Samaria,  and  Idumea ;  Herod  Antipas,  brother  of  Ar- 
chelaus, as  tetrarch,  was  to  govern  Galilee  and  Perea, 
while  Philip,  a  son  by  Cleopatra  of  Jerusalem,  was  to 
rule,  also  as  tetrarch,  over  the  northeastern  districts  of 
Batanea,  Trachonitis,  Auranitis,  Gaulanitis,  Paneas,  and 
Iturea.  Salome,  the  sister  of  Herod,  was  remembered 
by  the  gift  of  Jamnia  and  Ashdod  on  the  coast  and 
Phasaelis  in  the  Jordan  valley.  It  was  quite  contrary 
to  Herod's  original  intention  to  break  up  in  this  way 
the  large  kingdom  which  his  genius  had  established 
(see  J.  W.  i.  30,  7),  and  his  final  will  has  been  justly 
estimated  as  a  compromise  between  the  various  in- 
trigues of  the  palace  (Hausrath).  Whether  this  esti- 
mate be  true  or  not,  the  will  committed  the  different 
sections  of  the  kingdom  to  different  policies  and  is- 
sues, determined  in  each  case  by  the  character  of  the 
man  in  supreme  command. 

258.  Judea  soon  discovered  that  she  had  little  to 
expect  from  a  change  of  masters.     She  was  still  in  the 


THE  ACCESSION  OF  ARCHELAUS  233 

grasp  of  a  Herod  whose  methods  and  ambitions  were 
in  line  with  those  of  his  father.  Friction  began  at 
once.  From  a  golden  throne  ostentatiously  set  up  in 
the  temple-enclosure  Archelaus  made  to  the  people 
fine  promises  and  pretensions  regarding  his  govern- 
ment. These  were  immediately  brought  to  test  by 
demands  made  for  a  reduction  of  taxes  and  customs, 
for  the  release  of  prisoners,  for  the  punishment  of 
those  who  had  counselled  the  death  of  the  despoilers 
of  the  Roman  eagle,  for  the  deposition  of  the  high- 
priest  Josar,  and  for  the  expulsion  of  the  Gentiles. 
The  young  ruler  was  in  a  close  place.  He  did  not  wish 
to  provoke  an  outbreak  before  his  confirmation  in  au- 
thority by  Augustus  ;  neither  had  he  a  mind  to  follow 
out  any  such  rigorous  line  of  action  as  these  demands 
required.  The  people  would  not  listen  to  delay  and 
the  situation  became  acute.  It  was  the  time  for  the 
Passover  and  the  gathering  crowds  in  Jerusalem  made 
the  position  of  Archelaus  hourly  more  dangerous.  He 
learned  the  mood  of  the  people  from  the  rough  treat- 
ment which  a  detachment  of  soldiers,  sent  to  keep 
order,  received  at  their  hands,  and  forthwith  his  whole 
fighting  force  was  called  out  to  quell  the  growing 
tumult.  Three  thousand  of  the  Jews  fell  in  the  fierce 
fight  which  took  place  in  the  streets  and  temple,  and 
orders  were  given  that  all  visitors  to  the  feast  should 
return  home  (Ant.  xvii.  9,  1-3). 

259.  Leading  behind  him  intense  and  bitter  feeling, 
Archelaus  set  off  for  Rome.  At  Csesarea  he  met 
Sabinus,  the  emperor's  administrator  in  Syrian  affairs, 
who  was  on  his  way  to  Judea  to  take  charge  of  Herod's 
matters  until  a  successor  should  be  appointed.  This 
man  proved  only  an  exasperation  to  the  already  excited 


234       THE  KOMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

people.  Before  his  arrival  in  Jerusalem,  the  contagion 
of  rebellion  had  spread  over  the  whole  land,  and  Varus, 
the  governor  of  Syria,  had  brought  down  his  legions 
from  Antioch  to  overawe  tiie  people.  One  of  these 
legions  was  left  at  Jerusalem  to  support  Sabinus,  who, 
in  reckless  greed,  used  it  to  oppress  the  people  and  to 
enrich  himself.  As  a  consequence  the  feast  of  Pente- 
cost was  made  a  time  of  war  rather  than  of  thanksgiv- 
ing, and  a  desperate  effort  was  made  to  utterly  destroy 
the  Romans.  Against  the  most  stubborn  resistance 
the  latter  fought  their  way  to  the  temple-coiu'ts  and 
robbed  the  treasury,  Sabinus  himself  carrying  off  four 
hundred  talents  (Ant.  xvii.  10,  1-2). 

260.  Once  more  the  spirit  of  revolt  flew  swiftly 
over  the  land.  In  Galilee,  Judas  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  a  large  force,  seized  the  arsenal  at  Sepphoris 
and  made  himself  a  terror  in  the  northern  province. 
Simon,  a  former  slave  of  Herod,  proclaimed  himself 
king,  and  besides  other  works  of  destruction,  looted 
the  royal  palace  at  Jericho.  Athronges,  a  certain  shep- 
herd and  leader  of  a  band  of  robbers,  took  advantage 
of  the  restless,  rebellious  spirit  in  the  country,  to  place 
upon  his  head  a  royal  crown,  and  to  inspire  terror  in 
Judea.  Only  one  common  purpose  animated  these 
and  all  other  uprisings  of  the  time,  and  that  was  to 
drive  out  the  hated  Romans.  Varus,  as  soon  as  he 
heard  of  the  general  condition  in  the  land,  hastened 
southward  collecting  auxiliary  troops  on  the  way,  and, 
by  the  sharpest  measures,  among  which  was  the  cruci- 
fixion of  two  thousand  of  the  rebels,  put  do\vn  the 
rebellion  (Ant.  xvii.  10,  4-10). 

261.  Meanwhile,  in  Rome,  Archelaus,  Antipas, 
Philip,  and  a  deputation  from  the  Jews  were  urging 


THE  RULE   OF  ARCHELAUS  235 

their  wishes  upon  Augustus.  Not  realizing  what  their 
petition  might  mean  to  them,  the  Jewish  ambassadors 
urged  the  emperor  to  place  the  country  under  the 
direct  control  of  a  Roman  governor.  In  a  notable 
assembly  in  the  temple  of  Apollo  a  conference  was 
held  and  each  claimant  allowed  to  present  his  case. 
The  Jews  spoke  earnestly  and  well,  but  their  grave 
charges  were  met  by  the  skilful  rebuttal  of  Nicolas 
of  Damascus,  who  spoke  for  his  master  Archelaus. 
Augustus  finally  adhered  to  the  provisions  of  Herod's 
last  will  with  the  exception  of  making  Archelaus 
ethnarch  instead  of  king,  and  of  reserving  Gaza, 
Gadara,  and  Hippos  as  parts  of  the  province  of  Syria 
(Ant.  xvii.  11,  1-5). 

262.  A  sad  condition  of  affairs  faced  Antipas  and 
Archelaus  as  they  came  back  to  their  respective  prov- 
inces. In  Galilee  and  Judea  alike  were  the  ruins  of 
many  desolated  villages,  and  thousands  of  lives  had 
paid  the  penalty  of  rebellion.  No  welcome  from  the 
people  awaited  these  rulers  and  each  set  about  the 
furtherance  of  his  own  policy  in  his  own  way.  The 
history  of  the  land  now  becomes  the  history  of  three 
separate  provinces. 

263.  Archelaus  proved  to  be  in  the  completest  sense 
the  son  of  his  father.  He  was  the  worst  of  all  the 
sons  and  his  short  reign  was  summed  up  to  the  em- 
peror as  "  barbarous  and  tyrannical."  They  endured 
its  recklessness  for  nine  years  and  then  made  such  an 
effectual  showing  of  its  desperate  character  to  Augus- 
tus that  in  6  A.  D.  he  banished  the  man  to  Vienne  in 
Gaul  and  annexed  his  dominions  to  the  province  of 
Syria.  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  delegation  which 
journeyed  to  Rome  to  petition  for  his  removal  was 


236       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

made  up  of  both  Jews  and  Samaritans.  Archelaus 
went  to  no  such  extremes  as  his  father  in  rash  viola- 
tions of  the  religious  sensibilities  of  the  Jews,  although 
his  marriage  with  Galphyra  gave  great  offence.  She 
had  once  been  the  wife  of  Alexander,  his  half-brother, 
and  several  children  were  the  fruit  of  that  marriage. 
This  fact  made  her  union  with  Archelaus  grossly 
illegal.  It  was,  however,  his  violent  and  arbitrary 
character  that  kept  Archelaus  constantly  in  trouble, 
and  his  useful  and  beautiful  public  works,  such  as  the 
cultivation  of  palm-groves  in  the  Jordan  valley,  the 
construction  of  an  aqueduct  to  supply  them  with 
water,  and  the  founding  of  a  new  city,  Archelais,  north 
of  Jericho,  could  not  atone  for  his  own  worthlessness. 
He  was  from  the  first  a  wretched  failure  (Ant.  xvii. 
13,  1-5). 

264.  A  brighter  picture  presents  itself  in  the  history 
of  the  province  of  Herod  Antipas.  The  man  himself 
was  cunning,  extravagant,  and  self-seeking.  Jesus 
referred  to  him  as  "  that  fox  "  (Luke  xiii.  32),  and  such 
vicious  qualities  as  had  come  to  him  by  heredity  were 
doubtless  strengthened  by  his  early  life  in  Rome.  He 
was  no  favorite  with  Augustus,  who  understood  his 
treacherous  nature,  but  it  would  seem  as  if  this  very 
characteristic  commended  him  to  Tiberius,  who  was 
his  firm  friend  and  supporter.  By  proper  prudence 
and  caution  he  maintained  a  peaceful  status  in  Galilee 
and  thus  avoided  any  complaint  on  the  part  of  his  sub- 
jects during  the  lifetime  of  Augustus.  When  Tiberius 
came  to  the  throne  in  14  A.  D.,  Antipas  basked  in  the 
sunshine  of  royal  favor.  The  price'  of  such  favor, 
however,  was  the  Idumean's  willingness  to  play  the 
spy  in  reference  to  various  Roman  officials  in  the  East 
(Ant.  xviii.  4,  5).     ^ 


THE  BUILDING  ENTERPRISES  OF  ANTIPAS       237 

265.  Of  all  the  sons  of  Herod,  Antipas  inherited,  to 
the  largest  degree,  his  father's  fondness  for  magnifi- 
cence, both  in  private  life  and  in  public  buildings.  His 
royal  palace  at  Tiberias  was  an  example  of  the  sumptu- 
ous surroundings  by  which  he  gratified  his  extravagant 
tastes,  and  the  city  of  Tiberias  itself  was  but  one  of  the 
public  constructions  which  made  his  reign  famous.  At 
his  bidding  Sepphoris  arose  again  from  its  ashes  and  for 
a  considerable  time  was  the  capital  and,  as  Josephus  de- 
scribes it,  ''  the  ornament  of  all  Galilee."  He  rebuilt 
the  old  town  of  Beth-Haram  in  southern  Perea,  and  in 
honor  of  the  wife  of  Augustus  called  it  Livias.  He 
also  enlarged  and  made  palatial  the  old  fortress  of 
Machserus  on  the  heights  east  of  the  Dead  Sea.  It 
was  with  the  twofold  design  of  satisfying  his  own 
ambitions  in  having  a  splendid  capital,  and  of  gratify- 
ing the  emperor,  that,  in  the  year  26  or  27  A.  D.,  he 
built  the  city  of  Tiberias  near  the  hot  springs  of 
Emmaus  on  the  western  shore  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee. 
No  expense  was  spared  to  make  the  city  worthy  of  its 
purpose  ;  but  the  discovery  of  the  site  of  an  old  burial- 
ground  during  the  laying  of  foundations  made  the 
place  for  some  time  unclean  to  the  Jews.  Herod  was 
therefore  compelled  to  colonize  it  with  a  very  mixed 
population,  and  as  a  result  this  new  city  in  Galilee  be- 
came another  Hellenizing  centre.  Its  government  was 
Hellenistic  in  form  and  several  of  its  public  buildings 
were  in  the  interest  of  the  Greek  spirit  (Ant.  xviii.  2, 
3;  J.  W.  ii.  21,6,  9). 

266.  Antipas  was  at  heart  a  pagan.  His  conform- 
ity to  Judaism  was  only  formal.  He  lived  for  his  own 
personal  ambitions,  but  was  shrewd  enough  to  keep 
general  public  interests  in  line  with  his  private  desires. 


238       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Still,  even  shrewdness  will  not  always  save  a  man  from 
himself,  and  all  the  customary  astuteness  of  this  suc- 
cessful tetrarch  did  not  at  last  avail  against  his  un- 
governable passions.  The  evidence  of  this  is  furnished 
in  a  visit  which  he  made  to  Rome  in  27  A.  D.  Here 
he  Avas  entertained  at  the  home  of  his  half-brother 
Herod  (Boethus),  whose  wife  was  Herodias.  Antipas 
was  fascinated  with  this  v/oman's  charms  and  shame- 
fully proposed  marriage.  Herodias,  a  descendant  of 
the  beautiful  Mariamne,  was  an  ambitious  woman  and 
was  willing  enough  to  leave  her  inconspicuous  home 
in  Rome  for  the  palace  in  Tiberias.  Antipas,  there- 
fore, made  arrangements  to  divorce  his  wife,  the 
daughter  of  Aretas,  and  take  Herodias  in  her  place. 
Passion  triumphed  over  every  dictate  of  prudence,  and 
serious  trouble  at  once  began.  Aretas  was  made  an 
enemy,  and  in  the  outspoken  judgments  of  John  the 
Baptist's  faithful  preaching,  Antipas  was  held  up  to 
the  contempt  and  scorn  of  Galilee.  For  this  work 
of  condemnation  Herodias  never  forgave  John,  who 
paid  for  his  fidelity  with  his  life  at  a  bacchanalian  fes- 
tival celebrated  in  the  palace-fortress  of  Machserus 
(Mark  vi.  17-29).  The  tetrarch  had  imprisoned  the 
Baptist  out  of  fear  of  a  public  uprising  as  the  result  of 
his  preaching  (Ant.  xviii.  5,  2).  When  once  the  fear- 
less prophet  was  within  prison  walls,  Herodias  awaited 
her  opportunity  to  compass  his  death,  and  the  brief 
account  given  us  in  the  gospels  make  only  too  clear 
the  fatal  weakness  of  Herod. 

267.  Not  long  after  this  disgraceful  scene  at  Machee- 
rus  came  the  time  of  reckoning  with  Aretas.  The  ex- 
isting enmity  had  been  deepened  by  quarrels  over 
boundary  lines,  and  in  the  war  which  broke  out  in 


THE   DOWNFALL  OF   HEROD   ANTIPAS  239 

36  A.  D.  Antipas  was  disastrously  defeated  (Ant.  xviii. 
5,  1).  It  is  not  surprising  that  the  defeat  was  inter- 
preted by  the  people  as  God's  judgment  upon  the 
murder  of  John  (Ant.  xviii.  5,  2).  The  conscience  of 
the  tetrarch  was  itself  sensitive.  Its  superstitious  fear 
made  Jesus  to  be  John  the  Baptist  risen  from  the  dead 
(Matt.  xiv.  1).  It  is  also  noticeable  how  careful 
Herod  was  to  avoid  a  second  deed  of  violence.  He 
used  the  Pharisees  to  persuade  Jesus  to  leave  his 
dominions  (Luke  xiii.  1),  and  finally  at  the  feast  in 
Jerusalem  he  refused  to  pronounce  the  death  sentence 
upon  the  Galilean  prisoner  whom  Pilate  sent  to  him 
(Luke  xxiii.  6-11). 

268.  As  soon  as  tidings  reached  Tiberius  of  the  suc- 
cess of  Aretas,  Vitellius  was  ordered  to  avenge  the 
disaster  of  Antipas.  In  the  midst  of  the  preparations 
for  the  execution  of  this  command  Tiberius  died, 
March  16,  37  a.  d.  Vitellius,  who  had  suffered  from 
the  espionage  of  Antipas,  then  refused  to  carry  out  the 
orders  of  the  dead  emperor,  Herod  was  in  a  critical 
position.  Once  more  Herodias  proved  to  be  his  evil 
genius.  Caligula,  the  new  emperor,  was  a  warm  friend 
of  Agrippa  I.,  the  brother  of  Herodias,  and  advanced 
him  to  kingship  over  the  territories  formerly  in  posses- 
sion of  Philip  (Ant.  xviii.  6,  10).  Herodias  was 
jealous  of  this  honor  and  urged  her  husband  to  go  to 
Rome  and  plead  for  the  name  of  king.  Against  his 
own  inclinations  Herod  set  out  for  Italy.  He  never 
saw  Galilee  again,  for  Agrippa,  by  a  messenger,  antici- 
pated his  arrival  in  Rome  and  laid  charges  before  Cali- 
gula of  the  tetrarch's  disloyalty.  The  fact,  which 
Antipas  was  obliged  to  admit,  that  in  the  arsenals  of 
Galilee  was  a  stock  of  arms  sufficient  to  equip  seventy 


240       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

thousand  men,  was  adjudged  conclusive  and  Antipas 
was  banished  in  39  A.  D.  to  Lyons  in  Gaul.  His  terri- 
tory was  immediately  added  to  the  kingdom  of 
Agrippa  (Ant.  xviii.  7,  1,  2). 

269.  The  least  promising  of  all  the  provinces  dis- 
tributed by  the  will  of  Herod  the  king  was  that  which 
was  given  to  Philip.  While  it  was  large  in  extent,  it 
was  poor  and  inhabited  by  a  mixed  population  of 
Arabs  and  Syrians,  among  whom  had  settled  Idumean 
colonists.  Philip,  however,  was  the  man  for  the  place. 
In  striking  contrast  with  all  the  other  sons  of  Herod, 
he  exhibited  a  disposition  and  purpose  which  made  his 
rulership  a  blessing.  He  made  the  interests  of  his 
people  his  own  and  was  satisfied  to  do  the  best  he 
could  for  their  welfare.  An  instance  of  this  is  given 
by  Josephus,  who  relates  that  he  was  accustomed  to  go 
about  with  a  small  retinue  of  chosen  friends,  and  that 
''his  tribunal  also  on  which  he  sat  in  judgment, 
followed  him  in  his  progress ;  and  when  any  one  met 
him  who  wanted  his  assistance,  he  made  no  delay,  but 
had  his  tribunal  set  down  immediately  wherever  he 
happened  to  be,  and  sat  upon  it  and  heard  the  com- 
plaint ;  he  then  ordered  the  guilty  who  were  convicted 
to  be  punished,  and  absolved  those  who  were  accused 
unjustly"  (Ant.  xviii.  4,  6).  For  thirty-seven  years 
he  thus  ruled,  and  it  is  no  small  tribute  to  his  charac- 
ter and  administration  that  where  Roman  generals  had 
extreme  difficulty  in  maintaining  order,  he  kept  peace 
and  good-will.  .  It  is  a  fine  instance  of  the  superiority 
of  kindness  and  justice  to  force  in  the  management  of 
a  supposably  intractable  people.  Philip  was  really  a 
Gentile  in  spirit.  He  was  the  first  Jewish  prince  who 
used  images  on  his  coins,  but  because  his  tetrarchy  was 


THE  JUST   RULE   OF  PHILIP  241 

SO  largely  pagan  in  feeling,  it  gave  no  offence.  He 
made  his  capital  at  Paneas,  near  one  of  the  sources  of 
the  Jordan,  and  the  beautiful  city  which  he  erected 
and  made  an  asylum  for  all  in  need  of  protection,  he 
called  Csesarea  Philippi.  He  also  enlarged  the  village 
of  Bethsaida  on  the  northeastern  shore  of  the  Sea  of 
Galilee  and  gave  it  the  name  of  Julias,  for  Julia,  the 
profligate  daughter  of  Augustus.  His  wife,  Salome, 
the  daughter  of  Herodias,  bound  him  in  friendly 
relations  to  the  court  of  Antipas  in  Galilee.  In 
34  A.  D.  he  died,  and  as  he  left  no  children,  his  domin- 
ions were  added  by  Tiberius  to  the  province  of  Syria. 
In  37  A.  D.  they  were  given  by  Caligula  to  Agrippa 
(Ant.  xviii.  4,  6 ;  6,  10). 

270.  Before  turning  back  to  unfold  the  history  of 
Judea  during  the  times  of  the  early  procurators,  it  will 
be  best  to  complete  the  story  of  Jewish-Idumean  con- 
trol by  following  the  fortunes  of  Agrippa,  the  ruler 
under  whom  for  the  last  time  all  Palestine  was  for  a 
short  period  reunited.  Before  he  came  to  power  by 
the  appointment  of  Caligula  in  37  A.  d.,  Agrippa  had 
had  a  very  checkered  career.  He  had  known  the  joys 
of  brilliant  social  life  in  Rome,  had  gone  the  round  of 
dissipation  and  by  a  reckless  extravagance  had  involved 
himself  in  debts  which  compelled  him  to  leave  Italy ; 
he  had  even  meditated  committing  suicide.  At  one 
time  he  was  overseer  of  markets  at  Tiberias  and,  los- 
ing this  position,  took  up  the  role  of  an  adventurer, 
serving  in  any  cause  for  a  little  money  and,  whenever 
he  could,  borrowing  more.  In  this  way  he  came  again 
finally  to  Italy,  where  he  would  have  been  received  by 
Tiberius,  had  not  the  story  of  his  huge,  dishonest  debts 
overtaken  him  and  aroused  the  emperor's  anger.     By 

16 


242       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

insinuating  address  and  specious  promises,  however,  he 
borrowed  of  one  to  pay  another.  In  the  meanwhile  he 
gained  a  hold  upon  the  royal  household,  and  a  strong 
attachment  grew  up  between  him  and  Caius  Caligula. 
The  great  hope  on  which  Agrippa  rested  his  future 
was  that  Caius  might  become  emperor.  One  day  he 
unthinkingly  expressed  this  in  the  presence  of  Cali- 
gula's coachman  and  the  man  used  the  unguarded 
speech  to  avenge  Agrippa's  charge  upon  him  of  theft, 
by  repeating  it  to  Tiberius.  The  result  was  that 
Agrippa  was  thrown  into  prison,  where  he  remained 
for  six  months  until  Tiberius  died  (Ant.  xviii.  6, 
1-10). 

271.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  Caligula  was  to  restore 
to  honor  his  imprisoned  friend,  and  he  accomplished 
this  in  a  truly  royal  manner.  He  put  a  diadem  upon 
Agrippa's  unworthy  head  and  appointed  him  king 
over  the  tetrarchies  of  Philip  and  Lysanias.  Agrippa 
did  not  return  to  Palestine,  however,  until  39  a.  d., 
and  while  there  he  wrote  the  letter  to  Caligula  which 
caused  the  banishment  of  Antipas  and  prepared  the 
way  for  the  addition  of  the  tetrarch's  territories  to  his 
new  kingdom.  Meanwhile  Caligula  was  manifesting 
that  form  of  insanity  which  involved  him  in  wide- 
spread trouble.  He  became  firmly  convinced  of  his 
divinity  and  regarded  any  refusal  to  worship  him  as 
an  evidence  of  personal  hostility  (Ant.  xviii.  7,  2; 
xix.  1,  1).  The  Jews  were  thus  forced  into  antago- 
nism to  the  emperor,  and  the  first  outbreak  occurred 
in  Alexandria,  as  Agrippa  was  passing  through  from 
Rome  to  Palestine  in  August,  38  A.  D;  Though  the 
Jewish  king  was  scrupulously  careful  about  provoking 
any  ill-will,  his  presence  in  Alexandria,  in  royal  garb, 


AGRIPPA'S  INFLUENCE  AT  ROME  243 

was  a  sufficient  pretext  to  give  expression  to  the  real 
motive,  —  namely,  hatred  of  the  Jews,  —  which  im- 
pelled the  Greeks  and  Egyptians  to  wholesale  plunder- 
ing and  murder  in  the  Jewish  quarter.  During  the 
whole  time  of  Caligula's  reign  the  burning  question  in 
Alexandria  was  concerning  the  worship  of  the  emperor. 
Palestine  could  not,  of  course,  escape  the  mad  desire 
of  the  insane  Roman,  who  demanded  that  a  statue 
of  himself  should  be  set  up  in  the  temple.  Petronius, 
the  governor  of  Syria,  was  ordered  to  carry  this  com- 
mand into  execution,  and  if  necessary,  with  the  assist- 
ance of  the  army  (Ant.  xviii.  8,2).  The  effect  upon 
the  country  was  overwhelming.  *'Like  a  cloud  the 
multitude  of  Jews  covered  all  Phoenicia  "  (Ad  Caium 
sect.  32),  in  their  eagerness  to  petition  Petronius 
against  the  threatened  sacrilege.  Agrippa,  who  in 
40  A.  D.  had  returned  from  Palestine  to  Rome,  first 
heard  the  news  from  the  emperor  himself.  Shocked 
and  deeply  troubled,  he  summoned  all  his  resources  to 
bring  about  a  change  of  the  emperor's  purpose.  A 
costly  banquet  and  flattering  attentions  won  the  good- 
will of  Caligula,  from  whom  at  great  risk  Agrippa  ven- 
tured to  make  request  for  the  rescinding  of  the  com- 
mand regarding  the  statue.  The  request,  however,  was 
granted,  and  before  new  trouble  could  arise,  Caligula 
was  assassinated  in  January,  41  A.  d.  (Ant.  xviii.  8, 
7,  8  ;  xix.  1,  1-14). 

272.  Agrippa  now  had  an  opportunity  of  saving  Rome 
and  ultimately  himself.  By  adroit  measures  and  pru- 
dent advice,  he  helpsd  Claudius  to  the  vacant  throne 
and  secured  for  him  the  good-will  of  both  the  Roman 
army  and  senate.  Claudius  rewarded  him  by  adding 
Samaria  and   Judea  to   his   dominions,  so   that  now 


244       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Agrippa  was  king  over  all  the  territory  of  his  grand- 
father. Fortune  had  favored  him  beyond  his  highest 
expectations  (Ant.  xix.  4, 1-5;  5,  1). 

273.  The  brief  reign  of  King  Agrippa  I.  (41-44 
A.  D.)  was  for  Judaism  a  "  golden  day."  Contrary  to 
the  prognostications  vi^hich  might  be  deduced  from  his 
previous  career,  this  last  Jewish  king  honored  in  the 
eyes  of  his  subjects  his  high  position.  Whatever  his 
sincerity,  which  in  the  case  of  a  Herod  is  always  ques- 
tionable, he  observed  with  care  the  requirements  of 
the  law.  "  He  loved  to  live  continually  at  Jerusalem 
and  was  careful  in  the  observance  of  the  laws  of  his 
country,"  says  Joseph  us.  "He  kept  himself  entirely 
pure ;  nor  did  any  day  pass  over  his  head  without  its 
appointed  sacrifice"  (Ant.  xix.  7,  3).  To  the  Phar- 
isees he  brought  back  the  good  old  days  of  Alexandra, 
and  they  were  ready  to  call  him  "  brother,"  despite 
tlie  Idumean  blood  in  his  veins  (Mishna  Sota  vii.  8). 
The  real  Herod  in  him  is  nevertheless  revealed  in  the 
fact  that  with  all  this  devotion  to  Jewish  prejudices, 
he  was  a  patron  of  Greek  culture  in  a  city  like  Berytus 
outside  of  his  own  domains.  He  erected  in  that  city 
a  theatre,  an  amphitheatre,  and  thoroughly  enjoyed 
Greek  games  whenever  he  felt  that  it  was  prudent  to 
attend  (Ant.  xix.  7,  5). 

274.  His  persecution  of  the  early  Christian  church 
was  part  of  his  Jewish  policy.  It  was  because  the 
murder  of  James  "pleased  the  Jews  "  that  he  tried  to 
lay  violent  hands  also  on  Peter  (Acts  xii.  1-3). 
With  this  twofold  policy  rigidly  followed,  on  its  strict 
legal  side,  in  Palestine,  and,  on  its  liberal  side,  else- 
where, Agrippa  prospered  to  the  extent  of  quieting 
all  opposing  voices  except  those  of  the  zealots.     To 


THE   DEATH  OF  AGRIPPA  I.  245 

them  even  he  gave,  by  his  honoring  of  the  law,  a  fresh 
reason  for  wishing  complete  freedom  from  the  Romans. 
The  latter,  however,  watched  both  him  and  them  with 
restless  vigilance  (Ant.  xix.  7,  2;  8,  1). 

275.  In  the  hour  of  the  climax  of  his  glory  there 
came  to  Agrippa  the  grim  messenger  of  death.  At  a 
festival  in  Csesarea  he  appeared  upon  the  judgment 
seat  in  a  garment  heavily  overladen  with  silver ;  and 
as  the  sun  was  reflected  from  the  splendid  robe,  the 
people  cried  out  in  response  to  his  words,  "  The  voice 
of  a  god !  The  voice  of  a  god  ! "  The  cry  was  as 
music  to  the  ears  of  the  king,  but  even  while  he  lis- 
tened, he  was  seized  with  severe  internal  pains,  and 
carried  into  the  palace  near  by,  where  in  five  days  he 
died.  Agrippa  left  a  son  bearing  his  name,  but  as  he 
was  only  seventeen  years  old,  the  advisers  of  Claudius 
urged  that  the  risk  of  intrusting  the  government  to 
an  inexperienced  young  man  was  too  great.  All 
Palestine,  therefore,  again  came  under  the  control  of 
a  Roman  procurator  (Ant.  xix.  9,  2). 


IX 

IN  THE  HANDS  OF   ROME 

276.  The  chief,  pressing  desire  of  the  Jewish  depu- 
tation which  appeared  before  Augustus  while  he  was 
considering  Herod's  will  was  "that  they  might  be 
delivered  from  kingly  and  similar  governments  and  be 
added  to  Syria  "  (Ant.  xvii.  11,  2).  The  hope  which 
gave  cogency  to  this  petition  was  that  the  people  in 
direct  relations  with  Rome  would  have  better  govern- 
ment, less  friction,  and  larger  freedom.  In  any  other 
land  than  Judea  such  a  hope  might  have  been  realized 
under  the  helpful  hand  of  Roman  direction.  To  the 
Jews  it  could  prove  only  delusive,  since  Judaism 
knew  no  interpretation  of  freedom  which  did  not  con- 
form clearly  to  the  standards  of  the  Mosaic  and  tradi- 
tional law. 

2T7.  The  removal  of  Archelaus  gave  to  expectation 
a  keen  edge.  Augustus  had  been  led  by  experience 
to  modify  his  policy  regarding  vassal  states  within  the 
empire,  and  was  ready  to  take  Judea  under  imperial 
supervision.  The  method  by  which  this  was  accom- 
plished was  not  what  the  Jews  had  looked  for,  and  the 
results  were  more  and  more  disastrous.  In  27  B.  c, 
Augustus  divided  with  the  Senate  the  care  of  the 
Roman  provinces,  retaining  under  his  own  direction 
those  which  were  of  military  importance,  and  sending 
out  to  them,  as  governors,  men  of  senatorial  rank.     If 


AUTHORITY   OF  THE  ROMAN  PROCURATORS      247 

among  these  provinces  any  one  was  difficult  to  man- 
age by  reason  of  the  savage  state  of  the  people,  or 
because  of  tenacious  customs,  an  official  of  equestrian 
rank  was  chosen  to  take  charge  of  affairs.  Syria  had 
thus  a '  governor  of  high  rank  who  was  known  as 
"legate,"  while  Judea  was  of  the  exceptional  class 
and  was  supervised  by  a  procurator.  This  procurator 
resided  at  Csesarea,  was  allowed  a  small  army  of 
auxiliary  troops,  —  that  is,  troops  gathered  from  the 
province,  —  received  his  salary  from  the  imperial  treas- 
ury, exercised  supreme  judicial  authority  within  the 
province,  deciding  matters  of  life  and  death,  and 
administered  the  department  of  finance.  Until  the 
time  of  Agrippa  I.,  he  also  could  appoint  the  high- 
priest.  He  was  not  entirely  independent  of  the  legate 
of  Syria  on  one  side,  while,  on  the  other,  the  Sanhedrin 
jealously  guarded  its  prerogatives.  The  procurator's 
position  was,  indeed,  so  critical  and  potential  that  it 
could  be  disastrously  used,  if  he  himself  were  corrupt 
and  self-seeking.  Furthermore,  the  Roman  subaltern 
officials  felt  far  less  concern  than  did  the  Herods  for 
the  legal  prescriptions  of  the  Pharisees  and  scribes. 
It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  the  beginning  of  the 
end  dates  from  the  arrival  of  these  "  governors  "  in 
Judea.  They  were,  almost  without  exception,  sources 
of  strife  and  disintegration.  In  their  coming,  the 
Jews  discovered  that  it  was  not  so  much  this  or  that 
form  of  foreign  control  that  was  the  real  cause  of  dis- 
satisfaction and  unrest  as  the  foreign  control  itself. 
This,  in  any  form,  was  fundamentally  opposed  to  a 
true  theocracy. 

278.    The   first   requirement   of   the   new  order  of 
affairs  brought  this  undertone  of  thought  and  feeling 


248       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

to  distinct  realization.  For  the  purposes  of  taxation 
a  knowledge  of  the  number  and  character  of  the  popu- 
lation was  indispensable.  Augustus  therefore  ap- 
pointed Quirinius,  the  new  legate  of  Syria,  to  the 
work  of  reorganizing  the  administration  of  Judea 
upon  Roman  principles.  A  part  of  his  duty  was  to 
take  a  census  of  the  people.  To  Quirinius  the  task 
seemed  simple  enough.  He  had  only  to  follow  out 
the  methods  that  had  for  a  long  time  been  familiar  to 
Roman  officials.  These  w^ere  to  count  the  communi- 
ties either  according  to  houses  or  according  to  families, 
in  order  to  secure  a  basis  for  the  poll  tax  (tributum 
capitis)  and  to  divide  the  fields,  survey  the  separate 
divisions,  and  estimate  their  relative  values  as  a  basis 
for  the  land  tax  (tributum  agri).  To  the  astonishment 
of  the  legate,  both  measures  met  with  stout  opposi- 
tion. They  were  clearly  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  the 
Jewish  law.  The  poll  tax  was  looked  upon  as  a  mark 
of  slavery  (Ant.  xviii.  1,  1),  and  the  land  tax  un- 
dermined the  doctrine  that  to  the  Lord  alone  as  the 
owner  of  the  land  did  they  owe  payment  for  the  bless- 
ings that  came  to  them  in  the  way  of  fruits  and  har- 
vests (J.  W.  ii.  8,  1).  Quirinius,  however,  was  not 
a  man  to  be  balked  by  mere  religious  prejudices.  He 
had  resolutely  faced  stern  necessities  before  his  ap- 
pointment to  Syria,  and  he  determined  that  the  com- 
mand of  the  emperor  should  be  forthAvith  executed. 
Joazar,  the  high-priest,  was  able. to  induce  the  people 
in  and  around  Jerusalem  to  submit,  but  the  fierce 
spirit  of  antagonism  was  wide -spread  and  ready  to 
answer  any  appeal  to  open  rebellion. 

279.    At  this  time  was  formed  that  band  of  patriots 
whose  watchword  was  the  old  Maccabean  cry  of  zeal 


REBELLION  AGAINST  ROMAN  RULE  249 

for  the  law.  Their  creed  was,  "No  Lord  but  Jehovah; 
no  tax  but  that  to  the  temple;  no  friend  but  the 
zealot."  Josephus  calls  them  "a  new  school  "  (Ant. 
xviii.  1,  6).  They  were  rather  the  extreme  exponents 
of  the- old  school  of  the  Pharisees.  They  magnified 
the  law  and  with  impatient  spirit  sought  to  hasten  the 
coming  of  the  Messiah.  Judas,  called  the  "Galilean," 
led  this  new  party,  and  his  passionate  enthusiasm  was 
disastrously  contagious.  No  mild  means  were  in  the 
mind  of  this  determined  rebel  against  Roman  author- 
ity. He  justified  his  violence  and  cruelt}^  by  a  pro- 
fessed singleness  of  devotion  to  God  and  his  law  (Ant. 
xviii.  1,  1).  He  was,  as  Hausrath  describes  him,  "one 
of  the  historic,  holy  simpletons  who  aim  at  what  is 
impossible  and  run  their  heads  against  walls;  effect- 
ing nothing  outwardly,  and  yet  exercising  the  greatest 
influence  because  they  leave  an  irresistible  example 
behind  them  "  (ii.  p.  79).  Judas  was  defeated  and 
killed  (Acts  v.  37),  but  the  spirit  which  he  embodied 
lived  on,  and  in  the  final  struggle  of  the  nation,  defied 
to  the  last  expiring  breath  the  Roman  armies. 

280.  Such  was  the  beginning  of  Roman  administra- 
tion in  Judea.  No  emperor  attempted  another  census 
according  to  Roman  methods.  The  people  were  at 
this  time  numbered  and  the  taxes  collected  under  the 
supervision  of  the  procurator.  The  customs  were 
farmed  out  to  men  who  committed  their  collection  to 
tax-gatherers.  Our  New  Testament  gives  us  some 
conception  of  the  social  status  of  these  collectors  of 
custom.  They  were  of  the  refuse  of  the  land;  often 
associates  of  harlots;  always  despised  and  shunned 
(Matt.  xi.   19;   xxi.   31). 

281.  Of  the  first  four  procurators,   Coponius,  6-9 


250       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

A.  D.,  Ambivius,  9-12  A.  D.,  Rufus,  12-15  A.  D.,  and 
Gratus,  15-26  A.  D.,  comparatively  little  is  known. 
They  undoubtedly  went  up  with  an  extra  force  of 
soldiery  to  the  feast  at  Jerusalem  to  insure  order; 
they  visited  all  parts  of  the  provinces  and  attended  to 
grievances;  they  superintended  the  collection  of  taxes 
and  kept  the  emperor  informed  in  regard  to  all  matters 
under  their  care.  During  this  time  the  Sanhedrin, 
the  highest  tribunal  of  the  nation,  enjoyed  a  large 
degree  of  power.  Herod  had  largely  made  it  his  tool. 
Now  it  became  again  the  supreme  court  for  all  im- 
portant matters  pertaining  to  the  law  of  Moses.  Its 
jurisdiction  was  confined  to  Judea,  though  its  general 
decisions  had  recognition  far  and  wide  in  Judaism. 
In  Judea  itself  it  did  not  interfere  in  the  sphere  of 
the  local  courts  of  the  eleven  toparchies  into  which  the 
province  was  divided,  but  reserved  its  deliberations 
for  questions  of  national  import.  It  passed  laws, 
executed  justice,  tried  false  prophets,  settled  ques- 
tions of  doctrine,  watched  over  priestly  families  to 
insure  purity  of  descent;  in  a  word,  it  was  a  court 
exercising  legislative,  administrative,  and  judicial  func- 
tions. At  the  head  of  it  was  the  high -priest  and 
among  its  seventy  members  were  found  aristocratic 
priests,  eminent  scribes  and  elders,  or  men  of  years  and 
experience  (Matt.  xvi.  21).  These  scribes  and  elders 
belonged  to  the  party  of  the  Pharisees.  The  Sad- 
ducean  party,  however,  was  well  represented;  but  it 
is  noteworthy  that  the  scribes  were  the  most  influen- 
tial, since  they  were  in  touch  with  the  people  (Ant. 
xyiii.  1,  4).  Roman  citizens  in  Judea  .were  not  under 
its  oversight  unless  they  profaned  the  temple  (J.  W. 
vi.  2,  4),  and  the  procurator,  while  he  had  the  power 


THE   PROCURATORSHIP  OF  PILATE  251 

of  calling  the  Sanhedrin  together,  was  not  needed  to 
give  validity  to  its  sentences  except  in  case  of  death. 
The  functions  and  scope  of  the  activity  of  the  Sanhe- 
drin show  the  large  measure  of  local  liberty  given  by 
the  Romans  to  the  Jews,  but,  notwithstanding  the 
outward  appearance  of  tranquillity,  there  still  existed 
the  secret  restlessness  of  discontent. 

282.  Hints  of  this  restlessness  are  given  in  the  fear 
of  commotion  in  Judea  over  the  burdensome  taxation 
in  the  time  of  Valerius  Gratus  (Tac.  An.  ii.  42,  43), 
and  in  references  to  the  irrepressible  activity  of  the 
zealots  (Ant.  xviii.  1,  6).  The  true  situation,  how- 
ever, is  revealed  in  the  procuratorship  of  Pontius 
Pilate  (26-36  A.  d.),  regarding  whom  more  detailed 
information  is  given  us.  His  contemporary,  Agrippa 
I.,  describes  him  as  a  man  of  "unbending  and  reck- 
lessly hard  character  "  (Ad  Caium,  sect.  38),  and  the 
record  of  his  deeds  confirms  the  description.  He 
began  his  official  career  with  an  attempt  to  cure  the 
Jews  of  their  irrational  prejudice  against  the  presence 
of  the  army  flags  in  Jerusalem,  because  on  them  was 
the  figure  of  the  emperor.  At  Pilate's  command  the 
soldiers  entered  the  city  at  night  bearing  these  flags. 
It  is  evidence  enough  of  the  interest  of  the  people  in 
the  pressing  questions  of  the  law  and  Roman  rule  that 
they  went  down  "in  great  numbers"  to  Csesarea  to 
protest,  and  were  in  no  wise  intimidated  by  the  drawn 
swords  of  the  soldiers.  With  necks  bared  they  in- 
vited death  rather  than  submit  to  the  profanation  of 
Jerusalem  (Ant.  xviii.  3,  1).  The  spirit  of  the  zealots 
was  very  much  alive,  and  Pilate  felt  it  wise  to  yield. 
When  afterward  he  took  the  temple  treasures  to  build 
an  aqueduct  for  the  water  supply  of  Jerusalem,  even 


252       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

this  laudable  deed  stirred  the  city  to  its  depths,  and 
the  procurator  won  new  hatred  by  the  terrible  massa- 
cre he  commanded  (Ant.  xviii.  3,  2).  Not  satisfied 
with  his  insult  to  the  holy  city  by  taking  into  it  the 
flags,  he  determined  to  set  up  votive  shields  having 
the  name  of  the  emperor  on  them.  Once  more  the 
city  was  in  an  uproar,  and  only  the  good  sense  of  the 
emperor,  who  ordered  the  shields  taken  away,  saved 
another  calamity.  It  is  not  difficult  to  imagine  the 
feelings  of  this  disdainful  ruler  when  the  Jews  dragged 
before  him  the  quiet,  earnest  teacher  of  Galilee  with  a 
charge  of  seditious  plotting  against  Rome.  Because 
Judas,  the  Galilean,  had  done  that,  these  same  Jews 
honored  his  name.  The  artifice  was  plain  enough  to 
the  procurator,  and  only  because  of  his  own  pitiable 
weakness  has  his  name  been  indissolubly  linked  with 
the  most  significant  crime  of  history.  The  career  of 
this  ignoble  Roman  ended  in  the  disgrace  of  dismis- 
sion, after  a  conflict  with  a  large  body  of  Samaritans 
who,  deluded  by  Messianic  expectations,  had  gathered 
at  Mount  Gerizim  to  await  the  consummation.  It  is 
unquestionably  true  that  the  emperors  were  in  favor 
of  a  conciliatory  policy  in  the  treatment  of  the  reli- 
gious concerns  of  the  Jews,  but  that  policy  was  effec- 
tively frustrated  by  such  men  as  Pontius  Pilate  and 
the  procurators  who  followed  him.  Each  one  gave 
fresh  inspiration  to  the  energy  of  the  zealots  and  helped 
to  prepare  the  way  for  the  final  catastrophe. 

283.  Tiberius  died  before  Pilate  reached  Rome,  in 
37  A.  D.,  and  Caligula  came  to  power.  The  attempt 
of  this  infatuated  self-deifier  to  play  a  role  resembling 
that  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  in  his  treatment  of  the 
temple  kept  intense   for  a  while  the  feeling  of  dis- 


THE   MISTAKES  OF  FADUS  253 

quietude.  Then  followed  the  short,  benign  reign  of 
Agrippa  I.,  in  which  even  the  Pharisees  almost  forgot 
their  traditional  antagonism  to  the  Herodian  house. 
The  happy  time,  however,  was  ended  all  too  soon  by 
the  sudden  death  of  Agrippa,  and  the  whole  land 
passed  again  under  the  supervision  of  procurators. 

284.  Cuspius  Fadus  (44-45  A.  d.)  was  the  choice 
of  Claudius  for  the  responsible  work  of  administering 
affairs,  and  his  vigorous  attention  to  the  needs  of  the 
country  promised  well,  but  very  soon  after  his  coming 
he,  too,  began  to  commit  the  blunders  of  shortsighted- 
ness. Hyrcanus  II.  had  made  a  practice  of  keeping 
the  costly  vestments  of  the  high-priest  in  the  castle 
adjoining  the  temple,  and  in  this  custom  Herod  fol- 
lowed him.  By  some  oversight,  however,  they  were 
not  taken  away  when  the  castle  was  handed  over  to 
the  Romans,  and  the  procurators  had  had  them  in 
their  charge  until  36  A.  d.,  when  Vitellius  won  the 
good -will  of  the  people  by  placing  them  at  the  free 
disposal  of  the  Jewish  authorities.  Small  as  the 
matter  seems,  it  was,  after  all,  of  real  significance  to 
the  Jews,  for  it  was  thus  in  the  power  of  the  Romans 
to  interfere  with  the  ritual  of  the  temple.  Fadus 
demanded  possession  of  the  vestments  again,  and  the 
consequent  disturbance  was  not  quieted  until  a  dele- 
gation, sent  to  Rome,  obtained  from  the  emperor  the 
right  of  the  priest  to  take  charge  of  the  sacred  garments 
(Ant.  XX.  1,  1-3).  Shortly  after  this  the  custody  of 
the  temple  and  the  right  to  nominate  the  high-priest 
were  given  to  Herod  of  Chalcis,  brother  of  Agrippa  I. 
(Ant.  XX.  1,  3). 

285.  Claudius  now  changed  his  course  of  procedure 
in  so  far  as  to  appoint  a  Jew  to  the  office  of  procura- 


254       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

tor.  Tiberius  Alexander  (45-48  A.  d.)  was  a  nephew 
of  Philo,  and,  although  he  had  renounced  the  religion 
of  his  fathers,  it  was  supposed  that  he  would  suffi- 
ciently understand  the  sensitive  conditions  in  Pales- 
tine to  act  wisely.  An  apostate,  however,  could  be 
only  an  offence,  and  the  uprising  of  the  zealots  shows 
that  his  mission  was  a  failure. 

286.  The  crucifixion  by  Alexander  of  James  and 
Simon,  sons  of  Judas,  the  Galilean,  had  only  quick- 
ened the  rebellious  spirit  abroad  in  the  land,  and  when 
Cumanus  was  sent  to  take  the  place  of  Alexander  in 
48  A.  D.,  he  had  at  once  to  face  a  serious  and  threaten- 
ing situation.  Under  cover  of  zeal  against  Roman 
rule,  the  disorderly  elements  of  the  land  had  resorted 
to  robbery  and  destruction,  for  the  most  part,  of  their 
political  opponents.  All  manner  of  desperate  men 
sought  to  use  the  opportunity  for  personal  gains  and 
ends.  Instead  of  meeting  these  conditions  with  firm, 
wise,  and  just  measures,  the  new  procurator  provoked 
the  people  afresh  and  left  the  land  worse  than  he 
found  it.  An  insolent  soldier  among  the  guards, 
placed  by  Cumanus  in  the  temple  court,  insulted  the 
worshippers  by  an  indecent  posture.  A  quick,  sharp 
punishment  of  the  offender  might  have  ended  the 
affair;  Cumanus  handled  it  in  such  a  way  that  the 
outcome  was  an  utter  rout  of  the  crowd  by  his  soldiers 
and  the  destruction  of  a  thousand  lives  (Ant.  xx.  5, 
3).  An  instance  of  the  kind  of  robbery  above  referred 
to  occurred  on  the  road  near  Jerusalem.  Stephanus, 
a  Roman  official,  was  waylaid  and  stripped  of  all  his 
belongings.  As  a  punishment,  Cumanus  sent  his 
soldiers  to  plunder  all  the  neighboring  villages.  In  the 
general  recklessness  of  the  pillaging,  a  soldier  tore  to 


THE  CRUEL  EXCESSES  OF  CUMANUS  AND  FELIX     255 

pieces  a  roll  of  the  law,  and  Cumanus  only  saved  him- 
self from  another  bloody  scene  by  putting  the  offender 
to  death  (Ant.  xx.  5,  4).  The  worthless  governor 
finally  lost  his  position  by  his  corrupt  and  cruel  deal- 
ings inconnection  with  a  feud  between  the  Samaritans 
and  the  Jews.  A  party  of  Galileans,  on  their  way  to 
the  feast  at  Jerusalem,  were  murdered  in  Samaria. 
Cumanus,  by  reason  of  bribes,  sheltered  the  Samari- 
tans. The  incensed  Jews,  under  the  leadership  of 
the  zealots,  took  terrible  vengeance  on  Samaria,  and 
Cumanus  then  turned  upon  the  zealots  and  severely 
punished  them.  Both  Jews  and  Samaritans  appealed 
to  Quadratus,  governor  of  Syria,  who  sent  the  ring- 
leaders of  both  parties  with  Cumanus  to  Rome  (52 
A.  D.).  Through  the  aid  of  Agrippa  II.  the  Jews  were 
successful  in  defending  themselves,  and  Cumanus  was 
banished  (Ant.  xx.  6,  1-3). 

287.  "Then  Claudius  sent  Felix,  the  brother  of 
Pallas,  to  administer  affairs  in  Judea  "  (52-60  A.  D.). 
This  latter  date  has  been  recently  disputed;  the  time 
of  the  recall  of  Felix  has  been  placed  as  early  as  55  A.  D. 
It  was  probably  in  59  A.  D.  (Ant.  xx.  7,  1).  The 
comment  of  Tacitus  upon  this  man's  career  sums 
up  his  procuratorship.  "  With  all  manner  of  cruelty 
and  lust,  he  exercised  royal  functions  in  the  spirit 
of  a  slave  "  (Tac.  Hist.  v.  9).  To  meet  his  cruelty 
and  severity,  the  Sicarii  made  their  appearance.  Their 
doctrine  was  the  dagger  (sica),  and  dexterously  they 
used  it  in  putting  their  opponents  out  of  the  way 
(J.  W.  ii.  13,  2).  There  was  little  safety  in  Jeru- 
salem, and  all  through  the  land  villages  were  set  on 
fire,  houses  were  plundered,  and  all  sympathy  with 
Rome  promptly  and  remorselessly  dealt  with  (J.  W. 


256       THE   ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

ii.  13,  6).  Felix  tried  in  vain  to  stay  the  mad  fury. 
His  severity  was  powerless  before  the  desperate  fanati- 
cism. In  the  impassioned  expectation  of  the  times, 
multitudes  responded  to  the  call  of  this  or  that  pre- 
tender who  promised  to  exhibit  to  them  "the  signs 
of  coming  freedom."  An  Egyptian  Jew  thus  agreed 
to  show  all  who  would  go  with  him  to  the  Mount  of 
Olives  the  destruction  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  (Ant. 
XX.  8,  6).  As  far  back  as  the  time  of  Cuspius  Fadus 
the  same  overwrought  desire  for  some  miraculous 
interposition  enabled  Theudas  to  persuade  many  to 
follow  him  to  the  river  Jordan,  where  he  would  divide 
the  waters  and  lead  them  over  (Ant.  xx.  5,  1).  It 
made  little  difference  that  such  undertakings  were 
summarily  stopped.  They  were  the  symptoms  of  a 
fever  raging  in  the  blood  of  the  people.  Did  the 
procurator  by  any  means  reduce  the  temperature,  some 
new  pretender  would  raise  it  again  to  the  highest  fever 
heat.  The  Pharisees,  respected  as  they  were,  could 
no  longer  cool  the  hot  blood  of  the  ever-growing  party 
of  the  zealots  (J.  W.  ii.  13,  6),  and  among  the  priests 
in  Jerusalem  was  developing  that  spirit  of  greed  which 
not  only  destroyed  their  influence  for  good,  but  which 
did  not  hesitate  to  leave  the  inferior  priests,  to  die 
from  actual  starvation  (Ant.  xx.  8,  8).  Paul  had 
abundant  reason,  as  he  stood  before  the  licentious  and 
cruel  Felix,  to  reason  "of  righteousness  and  of  tem- 
perance and  of  judgment  to  come  "  (Acts  xxiv.  24). 
It  was  a  sermon  that  might  have  been  addressed  as 
well  to  the  nation  at  large. 

288.  Two  years  after  the  appointment  of  Felix, 
Claudius  was  poisoned  (Tac.  An.  xii.  66,  67),  and 
Nero  proclaimed  emperor.    In  60  A.  D.,  Porcius  Festus 


ANARCHY  IN  JUDEA  UNDER  ALBINUS     257 

was  sent  out  to  Palestine  as  procurator.  Whatever 
good  intentions  lie  may  have  had  in  reference  to  the 
land  were  impossible  to  realize.  He  found  virtually  a 
state  of  anarchy.  All  the  dire  tendencies  of  the  time 
of  his -predecessors  were  strengthened.  The  Sicarii 
became  numerous,  the  work  of  plunder  and  destruc- 
tion was  increasing,  and  the  people  were  still  following 
the  deceptive  calls  of  self-constituted  Messiahs  (Ant. 
XX.  8,  10).  In  the  midst  of  the  confusion  the  procu- 
rator died  in  62  A.  D. 

289.  Agrippa  II.,  who  succeeded  his  uncle  in  the 
tetrarchy  of  Chalcis,  and  Avho  afterward  came  to  be 
ruler  over  the  combined  dominions  of  Philip,  Lysanias, 
and  Antipater,  had  in  the  mean  time  appointed  Ananus 
high-priest.  This  high-priest,  while  the  country  was 
awaiting  the  new  procurator,  used  his  opportunity  to 
call  before  the  Sanhedrin  James,  the  Lord's  brother, 
and  some  others,  and,  having  accused  them  of  break- 
ing the  law,  to  order  them  to  be  stoned  to  death.  His 
zeal  against  the  church,  however,  cost  him  his  posi- 
tion; and  with  the  arrival  of  Albinus,  the  successor  of 
Festus,  events  began  to  move  rapidly  toward  the  crisis 
of  the  nation.  What  the  land  had  to  suffer  from 
Albinus  is  best  told  in  the  words  of  Josephus  himself: 
"There  was  no  wickedness  that  he  did  not  practise. 
Not  only  did  he  embezzle  public  moneys,  rob  a  multi- 
tude of  private  citizens,  and  burden  the  whole  people 
with  imposts,  but  he  released  captive  highwaymen  for 
ransoms  from  their  relations;  those  that  could  not  pay 
remained  in  prison.  Every  villain  gathered  a  band  of 
his  own,  and  Albinus  towered  among  them  like  a  rob- 
ber chief,  using  his  adherents  to  plunder  honest  citi- 
zens "  (J.  W.  ii.  4,  1).     The  zealots  could  wish  for 

17 


258        THE   ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

no  better  furtherance  of  their  cause.  Riots  were  of 
frequent  occurrence  in  the  streets  of  Jerusalem,  and 
these,  too,  between  factions  of  the  priesthood  (Ant. 
XX.  9,  4).  The  completion  of  the  temple  at  this  time 
left  eighteen  thousand  workmen  without  employment, 
an  additional  menace  to  the  city;  and  Agrippa  II.,  to 
whom  appeal  was  made,  permitted  the  use  of  the  tem- 
ple treasure  to  employ  these  men  in  paving  the  city 
with  white  stone.  The  same  king  granted  to  the 
Levites  the  illegal  honor  of  wearing  priestly  garments. 
The  temple  was  thus  the  daily  witness  of  ceremonial 
lawlessness,  while  the  city  and  the  land  were  given 
over  to  the  atrocities  of  greed  and  fanaticism  (Ant. 
XX.  9,  6,  7). 

290.  The  worst,  however,  was  yet  to  come.  As 
soon  as  Albinus  learned  that  he  was  to  be  recalled,  he 
attempted  an  adjustment  of  affairs  which  would  appear 
favorable  to  Jerusalem,  but  which  resulted  simply  in 
emptying  the  prisons  and  filling  the  country  with 
robbers  (Ant.  xx.  9,  5).  Gessius  Florus  (64-66)  the 
last  procurator,  then  entered  upon  the  scene,  and 
by  his  desperate  wickedness  cast  even  the  rapacity 
and  perfidy  of  Albinus  into  shadow.  "He  made  an 
open  boast  of  his  crimes  against  the  people ;  he  prac- 
tised every  sort  of  robbery  and  abuse  precisely  as 
though  he  had  been  sent  to  punish  condemned  crimi- 
nals. His  cruelty  was  pitiless,  his  infamies  shame- 
less; never  before  did  any  one  so  veil  truth  with 
deceit,  or  discover  more  cunning  ways  of  accomplish- 
ing his  knaveries.  To  enrich  himself  at  the  expense 
of  individuals  was  not  enough  for  .him;  he  robbed 
whole  cities  and  ruined  whole  communities;  things 
could  not  have  been  worse,  had  he  made  public  proc- 


CAUSES  OF  THE  KEVOLT  AGAINST  EOME        259 

lamation  throughout  the  land  that  every  one  might 
plunder  where  and  what  he  would,  provided  only  that 
he,  Albinus,  received  his  share  of  the  booty.  Whole 
districts  were  depopulated  by  his  greed;  multitudes 
left  their  houses  and  fled  into  foreign  provinces  "  (J. 
W.  ii.  14,  2).  The  patience  of  the  nation  was  now 
exhausted.  It  was  ready  to  plunge  into  open,  deter- 
mined rebellion.  Unquestionably  the  ceaseless  agita- 
tion of  the  zealots  inflamed  more  and  more  the  minds 
of  the  people ;  but  the  stupid  blunders  or  wilful  crimes 
of  the  Roman  procurators  gave  these  enthusiasts  many 
reasons  for  appeal  to  the  prejudices  and  hopes  of  their 
countrymen.  These  reasons  were  diligently  used,  and 
at  last  the  zealots  had  their  own  way.  The  terrible 
tragedy  of  the  nation's  death  struggle  with  Rome 
began. 


X 

THE  FINAL  CATASTROPHE 

291.  The  virtual  declaration  of  war  was  a  delib- 
erate and  formal  refusal  to  offer  the  daily  sacrifice  in 
the  temple  for  the  emperor  (J.  W.  ii.  17,  2).  Since 
the  days  of  Augustus  this  ritual  service  had  been 
faithfully  observed.  Only  in  this  way  could  Judaism 
with  religious  ceremonial  honor  the  name  that  in  the 
pagan  provinces  was  deified  and  worshipped.  The 
refusal,  therefore,  was  a  direct,  open  repudiation  of 
respect  and  loyalty.  It  was  an  act  of  war.  In  vain 
did  the  men  of  wealth  and  power,  in  vain  did  the 
Pharisees,  and  even  Agrippa  II.,  seek  to  persuade  the 
revolutionists  of  the  stupendous  folly  of  their  action. 
Momentary  reversals  of  purpose  rewarded  the  earnest- 
ness of  the  defenders  of  peace  (J.  W.  ii.  15,  2;  16,  4), 
but  just  as  the  angry  tumult  of  passion  became  in  a 
measure  quieted,  a  fresh  exasperation  on  the  part  of 
the  Romans  stirred  to  their  depths  the  tides  of  bitter 
feeling,  until  peace  seemed  but  another  name  for 
cowardice  and  shame. 

292.  The  policy  of  Florus  was  irritation.  He  was 
eager  to  force  the  Jews  into  rebellion.  Each  resent- 
ment of  his  perfidy  and  cruelty  was  made  by  himself 
the  reason  for  a  more  desperate  procedure.  A  quarrel 
between  the  Greeks  and  Jews  broke  out  in  Csesarea 
over  an  attempt  to  dishonor  one  of  the  synagogues. 


THE   EXASPERATING   POLICY  OF   FLORUS         261 

Florus  took  a  large  bribe  from  the  Jews  with  the 
promise  that  he  would  stop  the  insults  of  the  Greeks, 
then  left  the  city  and  refused  to  protect  Jewish  inter- 
ests (ii.  14,  4-5).  While  ill-will  over  this  treachery 
was  at' its  height,  a  demand  came  for  seventeen  talents 
from  the  temple  treasury  "  for  Caesar's  use."  Jerusa- 
lem was  at  once  in  an  uproar.  In  sarcasm  a  collection 
was  taken  for  the  poor,  needy  Roman.  Florus,  that 
he  might  work  out  his  will,  chose  to  make  much  of  the 
insulting  joke  and  marched  upon  the  city.  He  threat- 
ened vengeance  if  the  perpetrators  were  not  handed 
over  to  him,  and  because  the  Jews  dared  to  beg  pardon 
for  the  few  foolish  men  who  had  been  guilty  of  this 
presumption,  he  became  enraged  and  set  his  soldiers  to 
plundering  in  the  city.  In  their  savage  zeal  neither 
women  nor  children  were  spared,  over  three  thousand 
being  put  to  death  (J.  W.  ii.  14,  6-9). 

293.  Not  content  with  this,  Florus  planned  further 
butchery.  He  commanded  the  peojDle  to  go  out  and 
greet  two  cohorts  coming  up  from  Csesarea,  and  at 
the  same  time  charged  the  soldiers  to  ignore  the  greet- 
ing and,  at  the  slightest  manifestation  of  dissatisfac- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  Jews,  to  use  their  weapons.  It 
was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  the  high-priests 
and  others  persuaded  the  people  to  go.  Alas  I  they 
went,  many  of  them,  to  their  death.  The  shrewd 
treachery  of  the  procurator  was  disastrously  successful 
as  far  as  the  shedding  of  Jewish  blood  was  concerned, 
but  he  did  not  get  possession  of  the  temple  treasure, 
and  returned  to  Csesarea. 

294.  While  the  city  was  still  excited  over  this  last 
atrocity,  two  notable  men  arrived  in  Palestine,  Neapo- 
litanus,   an    officer  from    the   Syrian    governor,    and 


262      THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Agrippa  II.  One  came  to  inquire  into  the  actual  situ- 
ation in  the  land ;  the  other  to  interest  himself  in  be- 
half of  both  the  Jews  and  the  Romans.  A  conference 
of  the  peace  party  and  of  the  Sanhedrin  with  these 
men  led  Agrippa  to  make  a  long  and  clever  speech 
urging  the  people  to  abandon  all  thought  of  a  revolu- 
tion. He  succeeded  so  well  that  they  promised  allegi- 
ance to  the  emperor.  As  showing,  however,  how  little 
a  passing  mood  like  this  was  worth,  Agrippa's  attempt 
to  persuade  them  to  submit  quietly  to  Florus  until  a 
change  could  be  made  for  the  better,  raised  a  storm  of 
irresistible  passion.  Agrippa  himself  was  obliged  to 
get  out  of  the  way,  and,  with  the  decision  to  offer  no 
more  sacrifices  for  the  emperor,  the  war  began. 

295.  The  first  aggressive  act  of  the  Jews  was  the 
seizure  of  Masada,  the  fortress  built  by  Jonathan  the 
Maccabean,  and  fortified  by  Herod.  The  whole  Ro- 
man garrison  in  charge  of  it  was  put  to  the  sword.  In 
Jerusalem  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Ananias,  the  high-priest, 
became  the  leader  of  the  war  party  and  threw  his 
whole  energy  into  preparation  for  the  struggle.  It 
was  yet  the  hope  of  the  high-priests  and  the  leading 
Pharisees  that  they  might  avert  war,  and  they  tried  to 
reason  with  the  revolutionists,  but  to  no  purpose. 
They  then  changed  their  method  and  sent  ambassadors 
to  both  Florus  and  Agrippa  asking  for  an  army  to  put 
down  the  sedition  before  it  gained  too  great  headway 
(J.  W.  ii.  17,  1-4). 

296.  Agrippa  responded  with  three  thousand  men, 
and  the  city  was  divided  between  the  two  parties,  the 
revolutionists  occupying  the  lower  city  and  the  tem- 
ple ;  their  opponents  the  upper  city.  Daily  encounters 
made  Jerusalem  a  place  of  confusion  and  death.     The 


THE  SUCCESS  OF  THE  REVOLUTIONISTS        263 

soldiers  of  Agrippa  could  not  withstand  the  furious 
bravery  of  the  followers  of  Eleazar,  especially  after  the 
accession  of  the  band  of  Sicarii,  who,  at  the  time  of  the 
festival  of  wood-carrying,  gained  entrance  into  the  tem- 
ple enclosure.  One  important  position  after  another 
was  taken,  and  the  royal  troops  were  compelled  to 
evacuate  the  upper  city.  At  the  same  time  the  pal- 
aces of  the  high-priest,  of  Agrippa,  and  of  Berenice 
were  destroyed  by  fire  and,  more  significant  still,  the 
depositories  of  the  public  archives.  In  this  last  fire 
disappeared  a  multitude  of  written  documents  includ- 
ing the  obligations  of  debtors  and  the  various  claims 
of  men  of  property.  From  that  hour  the  mob  had 
little  to  fear  from  men  of  wealth  and  these  were  com- 
pelled to  protect  themselves  as  best  they  could  (J.  W. 
ii.  17,  6-6). 

297.  In  rapid  succession  the  revolutionists  gained 
possession  of  the  citadel  of  Antonia,  destroyed  the 
palace  of  Herod,  discovered  and  murdered  the  high- 
priest  Ananias,  treacherously  massacred  the  Roman 
garrison  after  a  surrender  under  the  promise  of  safe 
departure,  and,  with  the  city  entirely  in  their  hands, 
celebrated  their  triumph  with  merciless  slaughter.  In 
all  this  success,  however,  the  zealots  had  not  escaped 
trouble  within  their  own  camp.  Manahem,  a  son  of 
Judas  the  Galilean,  presuming  upon  his  achievements 
as  a  leader,  gave  himself  the  airs  of  a  king  and  became 
insufferably  tyrannical.  The  result  was  an  outbreak 
between  him  and  Eleazar  which  ended  in  the  death  of 
Manahem  and  many  of  his  followers  (J.  W.  ii.  17, 
7-10). 

298.  With  swift  and  terrible  certainty  hatred  begets 
hatred.     The  whole  land  became  involved  in  these  con- 


264      THE  KOMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

flicts  inspired  by  race  enmity.  Jews  murdered  pagans, 
and  the  pagans  retaliated  wherever  they  could.  On 
both  sides  of  the  Jordan  cities  were  pillaged  and 
immense  numbers  slain  (J.  W.  ii.  18,  1-8).  The  sit- 
uation was  so  serious  that  Cestius  Gallus,  the  Syrian 
legate,  determined  to  interfere  and  marched  southward 
with  a  large  army.  One  part  of  his  forces  overran 
Galilee,  another  took  Joppa,  and  then  the  march  was 
made  directly  upon  Jerusalem.  At  the  time  of  the 
Feast  of  Tabernacles  in  A.  D.  66,  Gallus  pitched  his 
camp  at  Gabao  (El  Jeb),  about  six  miles  from  the 
capital  (J.  W.  ii.  18,  10-11;  9,  1).  The  Jews  imme- 
diately broke  off  the  festival  and  made  such  an  im- 
petuous attack  that  the  Romans  suffered  severely. 
Gallus,  however,  drew  nearer  the  city,  and  made 
several  vigorous  but  unsuccessful  assaults  upon  it.  In 
the  mean  time  a  conspiracy  of  the  peace  party  to 
open  the  gates  was  discovered  and  summarily  pun- 
ished. It  was  perhaps  in  the  hope  that  the  counsels 
of  these  men  would  prevail  that  Gallus  did  not  follow 
up  what  advantages  he  had  gained  and  make  himself 
master  of  the  city.  With  no  apparent  reason  he  sud- 
denly, to  the  surprise  of  all  within  the  walls,  took  his 
army  away.  Fear  and  depression  were  at  once  ex- 
changed for  the  wildest  courage.  The  Jews  followed 
the  retiring  army,  inflicting  daily  injury  and  reducing 
the  Romans  themselves  well-nigh  to  despair.  No 
sooner  had  they  entered  the  perilous  pass  of  Beth- 
horon  than  the  insurgents  saw  their  opportunity  and 
with  savage  exultation  fell  upon  the  disheartened 
cohorts,  completely  routed  them,  and  returned  to 
Jerusalem  laden  with  the  spoils  of  war  (J.  W.  ii.  19, 
2-9).     With  tliis  victory  the  first  stage  of  the  war 


FURTHER  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  WAR   265 

was  concluded.  Peace  measures  could  no  longer  be 
thought  of;  the  nation  was  inevitably  committed  to 
the  consequences  of  its  rebellious  deeds. 

299.  Preparations  were  now  made  on  both  sides  for 
the  impending  crisis.  Nero,  realizing  the  gravity  of 
the  situation,  ordered  one  of  his  best  generals,  Titus 
Flavins  Vespasian,  a  man  of  sagacity  and  experience, 
to  go  to  Syria  and  take  measures  to  put  down  the 
rebellion  (J.  W.  iii.  1,  1-3).  The  Jews  set  about  the 
organization  of  their  forces  and  the  strengthening  of 
their  position.  With  the  exception  of  those  who  left 
the  city  because  they  would  not  take  part  against  the 
Romans,  all  classes  now  became  interested  in  the 
nation's  cause.  Those  who  once  urged  peace  sought 
to  direct  in  organization.  Pharisees  and  high-priests 
were  alike  conspicuous  in  this  work.  It  was  probably 
their  purpose  to  treat  with  the  Romans  as  soon  as 
practicable  and  save  the  nation  from  its  own  folly 
(J.  W.  iv.  5,  2).  At  this  time  they  could  render  the 
most  telling  service  in  the  guidance  of  affairs.  Jeru- 
salem itself  was  the  scene  of  an  eager  activity.  In  an 
assembly  of  the  people  held  in  the  temple  governors 
and  commanders  were  chosen  for  all  the  various  parts 
of  the  land,  and  it  is  noteworthy  that  nearly  all  of 
them  were  representatives  of  the  moderate  party.  In 
the  eyes  of  the  people  men  of  noble  station  seemed, 
after  all,  their  natural  leaders  (J.  W.  ii.  20,  3-4). 
The  Sanhedrin  probably  managed  the  nominations. 

300.  Strangely  enough,  the  difficult  and  responsible 
leadership  of  Galilee  was  given  to  the  clever  but  inex- 
perienced young  son  of  Matthias,  Josephus,  the  future 
historian.  This  rabbinical  scholar,  who,  up  to  this 
time,  had,  in  all  likelihood,  never  handled   a  sword, 


266      THE  KOMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

was  sent  to  prepare  the  province  into  which  the  Ro- 
mans would  first  come,  and  then  to  meet  them  when 
they  did  come.  After  establishing  a  form  of  govern- 
ment modelled  after  that  of  Judea  in  its  provision  of  a 
Sanhedrin  and  small  councils  for  every  city,  he  turned 
to  the  work  of  strengthening  the  fortifications  of  a 
large  number  of  towns  and  cities,  among  which  were 
Jotapata,  Sepphoris,  Tarichaea,  Tiberias,  Gischala,  and 
Gamala  in  Gaulonitis  (J.  W.  ii.  20,  6).  He  also  col- 
lected, organized,  and  tried  to  discipline  after  Roman 
methods  a  large  army.  Fidelity  herself  could  appar- 
ently ask  no  more  in  the  way  of  execution  of  a  com- 
mission, and  yet  the  zealots  soon  found  reason  for 
distrust  and  antagonism.  Especially  John  of  Gischala, 
who  was,  at  first,  a  friend  of  Josephus,  became  suspi- 
cious of  the  real  purpose  of  the  young  general,  and 
turned  against  him  with  implacable  hatred.  He  influ- 
enced the  province  by  criticising  the  methods  of  Jose- 
phus as  tame,  and  in  reality  friendly  to  the  Romans ; 
by  denouncing  his  aims  as  traitorous,  and  by  inciting  a 
demand  for  his  recall  or  for  his  death  (J.  W.  ii.  21,  1- 
2).  Josephus,  who  had  given  some  reason  for  these 
suspicions,  was  placed  in  a  critical  position.  Only  by 
craft,  self-abasement,  and,  in  one  instance,  by  actual 
flight  did  he  escape  the  fury  of  the  zealots  (J.  W.  ii. 
21,  3-6).  Tiberias,  Gamala,  and  Gischala,  the  centres 
of  the  revolutionary  spirit,  gave  him  constant  trouble, 
while  Sepphoris,  with  its  leanings  to  the  Romans,  was 
also  a  source-  of  anxiety.  Despite  these  serious  diffi- 
culties, however,  he  maintained  liis  position  by  strategy 
and  force,  carrying  on  at  the  same  time  his  prepara- 
tions against  the  expected  invasion  of  the  Romans. 
Even  a  weighty  dentation  from  Jerusalem,  with  a 


VESPASIAN'S  PLAN  OF  CAMPAIGN  267 

recall,  failed  utterly  in  its  mission,  though  suiDported 
by  a  small  army  and  by  a  wide-reaching  plot  in  Galilee 
(J.  W.  ii.  21,  7).  The  clever  student  of  the  Torah 
showed  himself  thus  far  equal  to  the  emergencies  of 
his  really  trying  position.  His  hour  of  searching  test 
was  yet  to  come. 

301.  The  plan  of  Vespasian  was  first  to  bring  the 
country  into  subjection  and  then  with  his  entire  force 
to  close  in  around  Jerusalem,  and  by  its  destruction 
finish  the  war.  In  the  spring  of  67  A.  d.  he  marched 
with  an  army  of  about  fifty  thousand  men  from  Ptole- 
mais  into  Galilee.  Before  leaving  Ptolemais  he  had, 
at  the  request  of  the  inhabitants  of  Sepphoris,  sent 
them  a  garrison  of  six  thousand  men,  an  auspicious 
beginning,  indeed,  for  the  Romans  (J.  W.  iii.  2,  4). 
The  time  had  now  come  for  the  disciplined  army  of 
Josephus  to  show  its  training.  Vespasian  was  ap- 
proaching. Alas  for  the  months  of  toil  spent  in 
trying  to  make  soldiers  of  these  Galileans !  They 
fled  hither  and  thither  into  the  mountains  on  the  first 
report  of  Vespasian's  nearness.  He  gained  a  goodly 
part  of  Galilee  without  a  single  sword-stroke.  Jose- 
phus and  the  few  who  remained  with  him  took  refuge 
in  Tiberias  (J.  W.  iii.  6,  2-3). 

302.  Vespasian  now  turned  his  attention  to  the 
strongholds.  At  Jotapata,  several  miles  north  of  Sep- 
phoris, a  large  part  of  the  army  of  Josephus  had 
sought  refuge.  Josephus,  after  an  appeal  to  Jerusa- 
lem for  help,  hastened  to  the  threatened  city  and  for 
forty-seven  days  directed  one  of  the  most  desperate 
conflicts  of  the  war.  Forty  thousand  men  lost  their 
lives  in  those  terrible  days.  With  stratagem  after 
stratagem  the  besieged  met  the  devices  of  the  Romans, 


268      THE   ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

while  their  courage  was  that  of  men  determined  to  sell 
their  lives  as  dearly  as  possible.  At  last,  through  a 
deserter's  account  of  the  hopeless  and  pitiable  condi- 
tions within  the  walls,  Vespasian  was  led  to  attempt 
an  entrance  in  the  early  morning  when  the  exhausted 
sentinels  would  be  found  sleeping.  The  plan  suc- 
ceeded and  with  wholesale  slaughter  the  Romans 
avenged  their  own  losses  and  suffering.  Josephus, 
after  several  perilous  adventures,  escaped,  surrendered 
himself  to  the  Romans,  and,  upon  being  brought  before 
Vespasian,  cleverly  assumed  the  role  of  a  prophet,  pre- 
dicting that  Vespasian  should  himself  be  emperor. 
This  prophecy  is  not  improbable;  it  was  simply  an 
evidence  of  shrewd  insight  into  the  likely  result  of 
given  conditions  in  the  Roman  world.  Nero  was 
childless,  and  Vespasian  was  a  highly  honored  officer 
(J.  W.  iii.  7-8). 

303.  After  a  brief  respite  at  Csesarea  Philippi  in 
the  company  of  Agrippa  II.,  Vespasian  marched  against 
Tiberias,  whose  gates  were  without  delay  opened  to 
receive  him.  Tarichsea,  south  of  Tiberias  on  the  lake 
shore,  was  soon  after  the  scene  of  frightful  carnage. 
Titus,  the  son  of  Vespasian,  undertook  its  subjection, 
and  the  battle  raged  around  the  city  and  upon  the 
lake.  A  bold  dash  made  by  the  Romans  by  way  of  the 
unprotected  water-front  gained  the  day.  All  Galilee 
was  appalled  at  the  barbarous  cruelty  of  Vespasian's 
punishment  and  most  of  the  towns  capitulated  at  once. 
Only  Gamala,  Gischala,  and  Itabryrium  on  Mount 
Tabor  yet  stood  out  (J.  W.  iii.  9,  7-8;  10,  1-10). 

304.  Gamala,  across  the  lake  from  Tarichsea,  had 
been  strongly  fortified  by  Josephus  and  made  a  stout 
resistance.     So  severe  was  the  loss  to  the  Romans  in 


GISCHALA  CAPITULATES  269 

their  first  attack  that  Vespasian  had  to  nerve  the 
soldiers  to  further  action.  When  the  city  fell  at  least 
nine  thousand  of  the  citizens  had  perished  (J.  W.  iv. 
1,  1-7,  9).  In  the  mean  time  Itabryrium  on  Mount 
Tabor  had  fallen  (J.  W.  iv.  1,  8),  and  Gischala  alone 
remained.  Titus  was  ordered  to  reduce  this  strong- 
hold. Fearing  the  vengeance  of  the  soldiers  on  this 
nest  of  sedition  if  it  were  taken  by  attack,  Titus 
sought  to  reason  with  the  insurgents  upon  the  folly  of 
resistance.  John,  their  leader,  hypocritically  assented 
to  all  the  arguments  of  Titus  and  promised  to  act  in 
accord  with  them,  but  begged  that  the  Romans  would 
recognize  the  sacredness  of  the  Sabbath  day.  Titus 
readily  acquiesced  and  removed  his  camp  so  far  from 
the  city  that  during  the  succeeding  night  John  and 
his  band  of  zealots  fled  to  Jerusalem.  On  the  next 
morning  the  inhabitants  threw  open  the  gates  to  the 
Romans.  The  subjugation  of  Galilee  was  complete 
(J.  W.  iv.  2,  2-5). 

305.  Vespasian  now  led  his  army  into  winter  quar- 
ters at  Caesarea  and  Scythopolis.  In  the  opening 
spring  of  the  year  68  A.  d.  he  resumed  his  plan  of 
operations  having  as  its  aim  the  isolation  of  Jerusalem. 
All  of  the  country  east  of  the  Jordan,  except  the  for- 
tress of  Machserus,  was  brought  under  Roman  control, 
as  were  also  Idumea  and  western  Judea.  Jerusalem 
itself  was  to  be  the  next  point  of  attack,  when  news 
came  of  the  death  of  Nero  in  June,  A.  d.  68.  Vespa- 
sian at  once  suspended  hostilities  and  awaited  word 
from  Rome.  Tidings  at  last  came  of  the  choice  of 
Galba  as  emperor,  and  Titus  was  sent  to  Italy  to  greet 
him  and  to  receive  his  commands.  At  Corinth  Titus 
learned  of  the  murder  of  Galba  (Jan.  A.  D.  69),  and 


270      THE   ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

returned  forthwith  to  his  father  (J.  W.  iv.  9,  2;  Tac. 
Hist.  ii.  1,  4).  Vespasian  again  waited  until  June, 
when  he  began  operations  in  Judea  which  gave  him 
control  of  all  the  outlying  districts  and  fortresses 
except  Masada  and  Herodium.  In  July  the  legions 
in  the  East  proclaimed  him  emperor,  and  the  accep- 
tance of  this  exalted  position  compelled  him  to  hand 
over  to  his  son  the  further  conduct  of  the  war.  The 
prediction  of  Josephus  had  come  true.  Vespasian  in 
gratitude  gave  his  prophet-prisoner  freedom,  and  with 
it  substantial  honor  (J.  W.  iv.  10,  3-7;  Suet.  Vesp. 
5-6). 

306.  Meanwhile  Jerusalem  had  become  the  scene  of 
civil  war  with  all  its  attendant  calamities.  As  the 
defeat  of  Cestius  Gallus  had  virtually  put  the  aristo- 
cracy at  the  head  of  the  revolution,  so  the  subjugation 
of  Galilee  had  sufficiently  proved  their  inefficiency. 
It  was  time  for  them  to  give  place  to  men  of  surer 
purpose  and  abler  plans.  So,  at  least,  thought  John 
of  Gischala  and  all  like  him  who,  during  the  year,  had 
gathered  from  different  parts  of  the  land  to  Jerusalem. 
The  Zealots  should  be  at  the  helm.  This  doctrine 
they  put  into  practice  by  imprisoning  and  murdering 
some  of  the  foremost  men  in  the  city.  Then  they 
appointed  a  new  high-priest,  Phannias  by  name,  who 
was  utterly  unfitted  for  the  office,  and  with  a  high 
hand  they  attempted  the  management  of  affairs. 
Ananias,  the  true  high-priest,  as  well  as  other  promi- 
nent priests  and  rabbis,  made  appeal  to  the  people 
against  this  robber  government.  They  arose  and  shut 
up  the  Zealots  in  an  inner  court  of  the  temple.  A 
worse  enmity  than  that  inspired  by  the  Romans  now 
held  high  carnival  iii  Jerusalem  (J.  W.  iv.  3,  1-12). 


THE   ZEALOTS   CALL  IN  THE  IDUMEANS  271 

807.  The  Zealots  were  in  a  critical  position.  They 
were  as  good  as  lost  unless  they  could  get  aid  from 
the  outside.  At  the  suggestion  of  John  of  Gischala 
two  messengers  were  sent  to  the  Idumeans  with  the 
story  that  Ananias  and  the  moderate  party  were  about 
to  betray  the  city  to  the  Romans,  and  that  help  must 
come  quickly  if  Jerusalem,  and  those  who  cared  for 
its  liberty  were  to  be  saved.  The  Idumeans,  com- 
pletely deceived,  responded  to  the  call  as  quickly  as 
possible  with  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men.  Upon 
their  arrival  at  Jerusalem,  the  closed  gates  and  the 
non-appearance  of  the  Zealots  made  them  at  first  sus- 
picious, and  a  terrific  thunder-storm  seemed  to  them  as 
a  warning  from  God,  but  in  the  midst  of  the  uproar  of 
rain  and  wind  the  Zealots  sawed  open  the  gates  and 
guided  their  allies  into  the  cit}^  Once  inside,  the 
bloodthirsty,  marauding  spirit  of  the  semi-barbarians 
broke  forth,  and  the  streets  were  drenched  with  blood 
(J.  W.  iv.  4;  5,  1).  The  fury  of  both  Zealots  and 
Idumeans  was  directed  against  the  leaders  of  the 
moderate  party,  many  of  whom  perished.  At  last, 
however,  after  almost  incredible  savagery,  the  Idu- 
means discovered  that  they  had  been  deceived  and  left 
the  city  (J.  W.  iv.  5,  5;  6,  1). 

308.  At  some  time  amid  these  troubles  the  Chris- 
tians escaped  to  Pella.  Vespasian's  generals  kept 
urging  him  to  advance  upon  the  capital,  but  he  was 
satisfied  that  Jerusalem  was  rapidly  enough  destroying 
itself.  As  long  as  John  of  Gischala  was  within  its 
walls,  the  Romans  need  make  no  haste.  The  fixed 
policy  of  clearing  the  whole  surrounding  country  of 
foes  could  be  steadily  pursued.  Meanwhile  after  the 
departure  of  the  Idumeans  the  reign  of  terror  contin- 


272      THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

ued  in  Jerusalem.  The  ranks  of  the  "valiant  men 
and  men  of  good  families  "  were  sadly  thinned  (J.  W. 
iv.  6,  1-3). 

309.  While  John  was  tyrannizing  in  the  capital,  a 
certain  Simon,  son  of  Giora,  bold,  adventurous,  and 
eager  to  command,  gathered  about  him  a  strong  body 
of  men,  and  by  successful  raids  in  southern  Palestine 
made  himself  feared  not  only  in  the  south  country, 
but  in  Jerusalem.  The  Zealots  went  out  against  him. 
In  the  first  engagement  they  were  worsted,  and  Simon 
was  prevented  from  making  an  assault  upon  the  city 
only  by  the  insufficiency  of  his  forces.  Later  tlie 
Zealots  captured  his  wife,  but  dearly  the  ruffian  made 
many  innocent  lives  pay  for  this  effrontery.  And  now 
the  lawlessness  and  excesses  of  John's  soldiery  in  the 
city  suggested  the  feasibility  of  "  driving  out  the  devil 
by  Beelzebub."  The  moderate  party  and  many  of  the 
suffering  Zealots  invited  Simon  to  enter  the  city  and 
deliver  them  from  John.  Rightly  does  Josephus  say 
that  the  remedy  was  worse  than  the  disease  itself. 
One  more  was  added  to  the  warring  factions  in  the 
city.  Three  hostile  armies  were  pitted  against  one 
another.  Eleazar  at  the  head  of  one  party  of  Zealots 
held  the  inner  court  of  the  temple ;  John  and  his  band 
the  temple  mount,  and  Simon  the  city.  Day  by  day 
Jerusalem  resounded  with  the  din  of  fighting.  "  The 
people  between  the  combatants  were  like  a  great  body 
torn  to  pieces."  All  that  cunning  and  cruelty  could 
accomplish  was  perpetually  sought  out  and  done.  Lam- 
entation and  death  were  in  every  house.  While  the 
daily  sacrifice  was  continued,  —  a  hollow  mockery  of 
service,  —  the  buildings  all  about  the  temple  were 
burned,  grain-supplies,  the  very  life  of  the  city,  were 


TITUS  APPEARS  AND  THE   SIEGE   BEGINS        273 

destroyed,  and  a  good  part  of  the  city  itself  made  deso- 
late. The  insane  fury  of  these  factions,  continuing 
through  months,  made  the  terrified  and  suffering  in- 
habitants actually  wish  for  the  coming  of  the  Romans. 
Nothing  could  be  worse  than  the  useless,  hopeless  strife 
which  was,  after  all,  but  national  suicide  (J.  W.  v.  1, 
2-5;  Tac.  Hist.  v.  12). 

310.  At  last  the  Romans  did  come.  In  the  spring 
of  70  A.  D.,  just  before  the  Passover,  Titus  appeared. 
Incautious  advances  at  first  caused  him  much  loss ;  con- 
sequently, giving  up  thought  of  storming  the  city,  he 
began  a  regular  siege  on  April  23.  While  he  was 
making  his  first  approaches  to  the  city,  treacherous 
dealing  on  the  part  of  John  put  an  end  to  the  party  of 
Eleazar.  The  latter  opened  the  gates  of  the  temple 
for  worshippers,  and  John  smuggled  in  enough  of  his 
adherents,  with  concealed  weapons,  to  gain  the  mas- 
tery of  the  inner  court  (J.  W.  v.  3,  1).  Eleazar  was 
himself  murdered.  It  was  not  until  the  threatening 
work  of  the  siege  had  begun  that  the  two  parties  gave 
up  their  own  animosities  and  joined  their  forces 
against  a  common  foe. 

311.  The  siege  lasted  from  April  until  September, 
five  months  full  of  desperate  undertakings,  astonish- 
ing endurance,  matchless  cruelty,  and  terrible  issues. 
With  force  has  it  been  said  that  "  scarcely  on  another 
occasion  in  history  has  the  spectator  the  same  feeling 
of  irredeemable  ruin,  of  inevitable  destruction,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  the  year  70  A.  d." 
Titus  began  his  attack  on  the  north  side  of  the  city, 
since  everywhere  else  it  was  impregnable.  Here  he 
met  the  outer  wall,  or  the  wall  of  Agrippa,  which 
extended  around  Bethzetha  (see  Appendix  IV.).     On 

18 


274      THE  EOMAN  PERIOD    OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  fifteenth  day  of  the  siege  a  breach  was  made 
by  the  battering-rams,  and  the  Romans  pitched  camp 
within  the  city  (J.  W.  v.  7,  2-3).  Orders  were  then 
given  to  storm  the  second  wall,  which,  running  from 
the  gate  Gennath  in  a  general  northwesterly  direction 
to  the  corner  of  A  ntonia,  protected  the  lower  city. 
Five  days  after  the  capture  of  the  first  wall  an  open- 
ing was  made  in  the  second,  and  Titus  himself  led  the 
advance  into  the  breach.  Desperate  fighting  ensued, 
and  four  days  passed  before  the  Romans  gained  the 
upper  hand  (J.  W.  v.  8,  1-2). 

312.  Titus  now  rested  for  a  few  days,  wishing 
thereby  to  give  the  city  time  for  reflection  and  change 
of  purpose.  Josephus  was  sent  to  persuade  his  coun- 
trymen to  give  up  the  unequal  conflict.  He  was 
spurned  and  abused  for  his  pains  (J.  W.  v.  9,  1-4). 
Titus  thereupon  pushed  on  vigorously  the  preparations 
for  an  attack  upon  Antonia,  and  the  third  wall,  assured 
that  the  deadly  work  of  the  famine  was  his  best  ally 
within  the  city.  Indeed,  to  make  its  ravages  more 
certain,  he  built  a  rough  wall  about  the  city  that  none 
might  escape  (J.  W.  v.  12,  1-2).  The  first  ramparts 
erected  against  Antonia  and  the  third  wall  were 
burned  by  the  insurgents,  and  in  order  to  replace 
them  the  country  for  miles  around  was  stripped  of 
timber  (J.  W.  v.  12,  4).  It  was  a  critical  moment  in 
the  siege  when  these  ramparts  were  finished,  for  they 
could  not  be  rebuilt  without  great  difliculty  and  they 
were  decisive  of  the  city's  fate  if  they  remained. 
Desperate  fighting  ensued,  and  the  Romans  not  only 
broke  down  the  third  wall,  but  also  an  additional  wall, 
which,  to  their  surprise,  had  been  built  by  John  of 
Gischala  immediately  behind  it.     Then  followed  the 


THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  TEMPLE  275 

capture  of  the  fortress  of  Antonia,  which,  by  the  order 
of  Titus,  was  razed  to  the  ground  (J.  W.  vi.  1,  7-8 ; 
2,1). 

313.  The  temple  yet  remained,  and  Titus  made 
another  appeal  to  those  within  its  enclosure  to  sur- 
render, and  so  to  save  their  sacred  shrine  from  pol- 
lution. Josephus  was  once  more  the  messenger  of 
the  Romans,  but  in  vain  (J.  W.  vi.  1,  1-2).  Then 
timbers  were  brought  from  long  distances  and  ram- 
parts built  for  attack.  On  the  17th  of  July  the  daily 
sacrifice,  from  lack  of  both  priests  and  animals,  ceased 
forever  (J.  W.  vi.  2,  1).  The  simple  statement  of 
Josephus  is  alike  a  tribute  to  the  ceremonial  faithful- 
ness of  Judaism,  and  a  sign  of  its  accomplished  mis- 
sion. The  smokeless  altar  was  soon  to  be  part  of  the 
debris  of  a  desolated  city.  While  the  ramparts  against 
the  temple  were  being  built  the  Romans  suffered  some 
sharp  reverses  (J.  W.  vi.  3,  1-2),  but  on  the  8th  of 
August  the  battering  rams  began  their  work.  Their 
heavy  blows  availed  but  little  against  the  massive  walls, 
so  the  gates  were  set  on  fire,  and  through  the  openings 
thus  made  the  Romans  rushed,  eager  for  vengeance. 
Titus  tried  to  save  the  temple,  but  the  infuriated 
soldiers  were  beyond  control,  and  the  whole  structure 
was  soon  in  flames.  There  was  just  time  to  secure  the 
sacred  vessels.  Then  the  glory  of  Jerusalem  disap- 
peared, to  be  seen  no  more.  A  merciless  slaughter 
added  its  agonies  to  the  awful  scene  (J.  W.  vi.  4,  1-7). 
"  The  great  tribulation "  of  our  Lord's  prophecy  was 
being  fulfilled. 

314.  In  the  upper  city  the  revolutionists  made  their 
last  stand.  John  of  Gischala  escaped  with  many  of 
his  followers  from  the  temple  and  joined  Simon,  and 


276      THE  ROMAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

they  both  asked  permission  to  leave  the  country. 
Titus  refused,  and  the  siege  of  this  last,  unconquered 
section  began.  While  the  Romans  worked  outside  the 
wall,  Simon  and  John  fought  each  other  on  the  inside, 
each  in  addition  destroying  all  who  had  any  sympathy 
with  Rome  until  about  eight  thousand  perished.  At 
length  the  ramparts  were  finished,  the  Romans  scaled 
the  walls,  and  on  the  8th  of  September  the  whole  area 
of  Jerusalem  was  conquered  (J.  W.  vi.  8,  1-5).  Fire 
and  sword  completed  the  desolation.  In  the  words  of 
Josephus  "there  was  left  nothing  to  make  those  who 
came  thither  believe  that  the  place  had  ever  been 
inhabited." 

315.  The  three  fortresses,  Herodium,  Machserus,  and 
Masada  were  still  in  the  possession  of  the  rebels. 
Herodium  soon  surrendered,  and  Machserus  later  took 
the  same  course.  In  Masada  dwelt  the  fierce  spirit 
of  indomitable  fanaticism.  When  it  became  unmis- 
takably evident  that  the  garrison  could  hold  out  but 
a  day  longer,  Eleazar,  the  commander,  called  his  sup- 
porters together  and  proposed  that  they  kill  first  their 
wives  and  children,  then  each  other  to  the  last  man, 
who  should  commit  suicide.  By  an  eloquent  plea, 
setting  forth  the  brutal  cruelty  of  the  Romans  and  the 
sure  gain  to  them  all  in  the  soul's  blessed  immortality, 
he  nerved  his  hearers  alike  by  fear  and  hope  to  the 
desperate  undertaking.  They  tenderly  embraced  their 
wives,  kissed  the  children,  and  then  began  the  bloody 
work.  Nine^  hundred  and  sixty  perished ;  only  two 
women  and  five  children  escaped  by  hiding  in  a  cav- 
ern. The  last  man  set  fire  to  the  palace  and  ran  a 
sword  through  his  own  body  (J.  W.  vii.  8,  9).  In 
April  A.  D.  73  the  war  was  completely  finished. 


THE  TKIUMPH  OF  TITUS  IN  ROME.  277 

316.  The  Jewish  state  had  fallen ;  Judaism  was  still 
to  live  on.  The  Romans  had  triumphed ;  the  spirit 
whose  inspiration  and  aim  were  in  the  law  was  uncon- 
querable. The  temple  was  gone;  the  synagogue 
needed  neither  Gerizim  nor  Moriah.  A  dispensation 
had  come  to  an  end :  the  Messianic  hope  must  wait  its 
glad,  certain  fruition.  Judea  became  the  property  of 
a  Roman  emperor;  the  wide  world  became  the  dwel- 
ling-place of  the  Jews. 

317.  In  the  triumphal  procession  which  filled  the 
streets  of  Rome  with  excitement  in  the  summer  of 
71  A.  D.,  John  of  Gischala  and  Simon  ben-Giora 
marched  side  by  side  before  the  victor's  chariot,  and 
after  them  seven  hundred  chosen  Jewish  captives. 
With  curious  eyes  the  crowds  gazed  upon  the  sacred 
vessels  of  the  temple  as  they  were  borne  along.  How 
great  the  honor  of  it  all  was  is  witnessed  even  yet  in 
the  arch  which  in  the  Eternal  City  bears  the  name  of 
Titus.  The  Romans  have  gone,  but  the  Jews  are  still 
the  nation  of  the  law  and  the  Messianic  hope. 


XI 


GLIMPSES   OF   JUDAISM  IN   PALESTINE  AFTER   THE 
WAR   AND   OF   JUDAISM   IN   THE   DISPERSION 

318.  In  a  war  involving  religious  convictions,  the 
issue  never  alters  the  convictions.  The  truthfulness 
of  a  creed  cannot  be  decided  by  the  clash  of  arms. 
Defeat  may  be  interpreted  as  chastisement,  but  not  as 
utter  condemnation.  With  its  capitol  and  temple  in 
ruins,  with  thousands  of  its  defenders  cut  down,  and 
with  its  land  and  cities  in  the  possession  of  the 
heathen,  Judaism  yet  confidently  believed  in  the  right- 
eousness of  its  claims  and  in  the  truthfulness  of  its 
hopes.  The  chastisement  had  been  severe.  It  must 
only  make  surer  fidelity  to  the  law,  in  order  that  out 
of  that  fidelity  might  issue  at  last  the  Messianic  bless- 
ing. Once  and  again  since  the  days  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  that  earnest  lesson  had  been  drawn  from 
national  calamities.  It  seemed  now  to  have  been 
fairly  burned  into  the  mind  of  the  nation. 

319.  The  Pharisees  and  the  rabbis  became  the  re- 
vered authorities  for  the  people  in  all  matters  purely 
Jewish.  The  synagogue  and  the  schools  had  made 
unconscious  preparation  for  such  a  time  as  this.  The 
momentum  of  at  least  two  centuries  was  in  the  swift, 
all-embracing  movement  toward  Rabbinism  which  set 
in  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem.  The  scholar  took  com- 
pletely the  place  of  jhe  priest.     Jamnia  was  made  the 


JUDAISM  RENEWS  ITS  LIFE  279 

new  centre  of  Judaism.  Here,  under  a  notable  succes- 
sion of  learned  men,  tlie  interpretation  and  expansion 
of  the  law  was  cariied  on.  It  made  no  difference  that 
the  sacrificial  service  had  ceased.  All  the  require- 
ments of  the  temple  ritual  were  faithfully  discussed, 
for  the  time  was  sure  to  come  when,  as  in  the  days  of 
Judas  Maccabeus,  the  elaborate  system  of  worship 
should  again  be  restored.  Pathetic  faith  I  Even  while 
the  rabbis  and  the  people  were  diligently  preparing 
for  that  future,  the  true  Messiah  was  widening  the 
borders  of  his  kingdom  throughout  the  Roman  world. 

320.  Naturally  after  the  bitter  experiences  of  the 
war,  the  Romans  regarded  the  Jews  with  jealous  watch- 
fulness. Even  the  temple  of  Onias  in  Egypt  was  closed, 
so  that  the  nation  should  have  no  distinctive  rallying- 
point.  Judea  was  governed  by  a  praetor,  and  the  policy 
hitherto  pursued  of  recognizing  the  Jews  as  a  national 
as  well  as  a  religious  community  was  abandoned. 
They  were  allowed  the  exercise  of  their  religious 
customs  as  formerly,  but  compelled  as  sign  of  their 
subjection  to  pay  the  accustomed  temple-tax  to  the 
Capitoline  Jupiter.  The  Jewish  tradition  that  the 
Sanhedrin  escaped  from  Jerusalem  to  Jamnia  before 
the  siege  began  is  quite  improbable.  Certainly  there 
was  no  Sanhedrin  after  the  war,  though  the  body  of 
rabbis  in  Jamnia  who  formed  themselves  into  a  high 
court  aspired  to  make  this  the  equivalent  of  the  old 
national  supreme  council.  They  had  the  satisfaction  of 
seeing  their  decisions  recognized  as  authoritative  and 
of  knowing  that  their  meetings  were  the  central  point 
of  interest  for  all  the  Dispersion.  Indeed,  such  con- 
tributions as  once  had  gone  to  the  temple  went  for 
years  into  the  treasury  of  Jamnia. 


280       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

321.  Judaism  had  settled  itself  anew  to  the  task 
which  the  chastisement  of  God  had  made  only  more 
definite  and  pressing,  —  obedience.  While  it  discussed, 
expounded,  applied  the  law,  and  at  last  codified  all  its 
results  in  the  Mishna,  it  kept  alive  the  hopes  of  the 
nation  for  the  future.  In  those  parts  of  the  Apocalypse 
of  Baruch  and  IV.  Esdras  which  were  written  after 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  before  the  end  of  the 
first  century,  there  are  the  same  comfort  for  loss, 
the  same  inspiration  to  zeal,  and  the  same  promise  of 
better  things  to  come  that  in  earlier  distresses  made 
precious  to  the  Jews  the  Books  of  Daniel,  of  Enoch,  or 
the  Psalms  of  Solomon. 

322.  Owing  to  the  meagreness  of  accurate  informa- 
tion, it  is  difficult  to  estimate  the  actual  status  of  the 
population  in  Palestine  immediately  after  the  war. 
Galilee,  Judea,  and  Idumea  had,  indeed,  suffered  im- 
mense losses,  but  in  the  comparative  rest  which  the 
land  enjoyed  during  the  reigns  of  Vespasian,  Titus, 
and  Domitian,  there  seems  to  have  been  a  rapid  recu- 
peration. Meanwhile,  led  on  by  its  hopes  and  goaded 
by  the  exactions  of  its  conquerors,  the  regathered 
people  were  approaching  their  second  awful  crisis. 

323.  Unmindful  of  the  disastrous  issues  of  A.D.  70, 
and  heedless  of  all  warnings  concerning  the  strength  of 
its  foe,  Judaism  in  Palestine,  in  the  year  132  A.  d.,  dared 
once  more  to  risk  all  in  war.  The  immediate  occasion 
was  Hadrian's  determination  to  build  a  heathen  city 
on  the  site  of  Jerusalem  and,  climax  of  desecration,  a 
temple  to  Jupiter  on  the  old  temple  mount.  The  out- 
rage was  beyond  endurance.  All  the  pent-up  feelings 
of  sixty  years  broke  forth  in  volcanic  fury.  The  fret- 
ting, exasperating   requirements  of  the   Romans  had 


THE  REBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN  281 

worn  on  the  temper  of  tbe  nation  until  it  virtually  be- 
came insane.  A  clever  trickster,  styled  Bar-Cochba, 
the  Son  of  a  Star,  was  accepted  as  the  Messiah,  and 
followed  through  suffering  and  blood  to  ruin.  By  his 
side  stood  the  very  pride  of  the  schools,  Rabbi  Akiba, 
of  whom  tradition  related  that  a  thousand  volumes 
would  not  contain  the  wonderful  things  which  he  did 
and  said.  Akiba,  the  Rabbi,  the  herald  of  Bar-Cochba 
the  Pretender,  —  and  both  woful  deceivers  of  the 
people  !  Reason  had  again  forsaken  Judea.  Had  we 
any  such  record  of  this  war  of  three  years  and  over 
(132-135  A.  D.)  as  Josephus  has  given  us  in  that  which 
ended  in  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  it  would  be  as  full  of 
daring  deeds,  pitiless  suffering,  atrocious  cruelties,  and 
bitter  issues.  Says  Dio  Cassius,  "  All  Judea  was  well- 
nigh  a  desert.  Fifty  fortresses  and  nine  hundred  and 
eighty-five  villages  were  destroyed ;  five  hundred  and 
eighty  thousand  men  fell  in  battle,  while  the  num- 
ber of  those  who  succumbed  to  their  wounds  and  to 
famine  was  never  reckoned  "  (Ixix.  14). 

324.  It  was  the  last  serious  struggle  for  national  in- 
dependence. Then  and  there  ended,  not  the  dreams 
of  future  national  glory,  but  the  desperate,  useless  sac- 
rifices of  thousands  upon  thousands  of  lives  in  order  to 
make  those  dreams  real.  Judaism,  indeed,  lived  on,  — 
a  stern,  uncompromising,  separating  power.  With  in- 
tenser  zeal  than  ever  it  worked  toward  its  ideals, 
spurning  the  Gentiles  and  making  its  own  followers 
strangers  in  the  earth.  The  stamp  which  the  Roman 
period  of  its  history  placed  upon  it  has  never  been 
effaced.  In  refusing  the  true  Messiah  it  missed  its 
splendid  opportunity  to  become  the  great  missionary 
force  of  the  centuries.     It  is  still  in  the  nations,  but 


282       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

not  of  them,  —  cherishing  its  traditions,  claiming  its 
prerogative  as  of  the  chosen  people  and  revealing  the 
vigor  of  its  adherents  in  the  commercial  and  intellect- 
ual life  of  the  world. 

325.  To  a  large  degree  the  Judaism  of  the  Disper- 
sion embodied  the  spirit  of  that  of  the  home-land.  As 
long  as  the  temple  stood  and  the  feasts  were  kept, 
there  was  more  than  one  bond  of  union  between  Jeru- 
salem and  the  remote  parts  of  the  earth.  Contribu- 
tions for  the  maintenance  of  the  temple  service  were 
regularly  collected  and  forwarded  through  responsible 
deputies  to  the  capitol,  while  at  the  time  of  the  sacred 
festivals,  the  highways  leading  to  the  holy  city  were 
thronged  with  pilgrims.  "  Many  thousands  of  people," 
says  Philo,  "  from  many  thousands  of  towns,  made  pil- 
grimages to  the  temple  at  every  festival,  some  by  land, 
some  by  sea,  and  coming  from  the  east  and  the  west, 
from  the  north  and  the  south "  (De  Monarchia  ii.  1). 
The  glory  of  his  faith  must  have  seemed  to  the  Jew 
never  more  real  than  at  those  seasons  of  imposing  rit- 
ual when  from  Babylon  on  the  east  to  Rome  on  the 
west  his  people  came  from  every  land  and  from  the 
islands  of  the  sea  to  worship  Jehovah.  The  fate  of 
Judea  was  therefore  of  the  deepest  interest  over  the 
wide  extent  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

326.  And  yet  to  these  people  scattered  abroad  over 
the  earth,  either  by  the  issues  of  war  or  by  the  impulse 
of  trade,  the  religious  institution  of  most  vital  import 
was  the  synagogue.  With  its  interpretations  of  the 
law  and  its  calls  to  fidelity,  it  stood  over  against 
the  environment  of  pagan  customs  and  culture,  and  the 
varying  aspects  of  Judaism  in  different  parts  of  the 
world  are  the  result  of  the  interaction  of  this  central 


PHILO,  THE  ALEXANDRIAN  283 

force  and  its  surrounding  influences.  Whatever  modi- 
fications, however,  of  language,  custom,  or  thought 
were  thus  brought  about,  the  inmost  life  was  true  to 
the  law.     The  Jew  was  still  a  Jew. 

327.  -Already  we  have  noted  in  part  the  process  of 
this  interaction  in  the  Judaism  of  Egypt  (sects.  78- 
88).  It  reached  its  climax  in  the  work  of  Philo 
Judaeus,  and  through  him  exerted  a  telling  influence 
upon  Alexandrian  thinking  in  the  early  Christian 
centuries.  This  noble,  earnest,  broad-minded  thinker 
was  born  of  high  parentage  in  Alexandria  about 
20  B.  c.  All  the  literary  treasures  of  both  Judaism  and 
of  Hellenism  he  made  his  own,  and  in  the  wide  range 
of  their  characters  and  teachers  one  stood  forth  to  his 
view  as  supreme,  —  the  inspired  law-giver  of  Israel, 
Moses.  He  was  the  teacher  to  all  men  and  ages  of 
the  deep  things  of  being.  Hence  when  rightly  inter- 
preted, he  must  give  us  the  truth  which  philosophy 
had  often  only  dimly  apprehended.  To  show  that  he 
does,  Philo  applied  with  unsparing  hand  the  allegori- 
cal method  to  the  interpretation  of  Scripture.  Much 
of  its  history  disappears,  all  anthropomorphic  concep- 
tions of  God  are  dismissed,  and  philosophic  views 
appear,  which  strangely  change  the  simple  faith  of 
the  days  of  old.  While  Jesus  in  Galilee  was  telling 
of  the  Father  and  his  love,  Philo  was  describing  God 
as  "the  Simply  Existent;  "  while  Jesus  was  showing 
himself  to  be  the  Incarnate  Word,  Philo  was  strug- 
gling with  his  conceptions  of  the  Logos,  making  it 
seemingly  only  "  personified  reason."  The  great  Alex- 
andrian was,  as  Keim  calls  him,  "a  man  of  fusion 
and  reconciliation  "  (Jesus  of  Nazara  i.  282).  Moses 
and  Plato  had  each  a  part  in  his  conceptions  and  for- 


284      THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

mulations  of  truth.  His  work  is  the  finest  fruitage  of 
the  Hellenistic  Judaism  of  Egypt,  —  a  Judaism  which, 
after  all,  was  deeply  interested  in  all  the  conflicts 
between  the  Jewish  and  the  heathen  world. 

328.  As  the  result  of  Caligula's  insane  desire  to  be 
worshipped,  a  terrible  persecution  in  the  year  38  A.  d. 
swept  away  much  of  the  costly  property  and  many 
lives  of  the  Jews  in  Alexandria.  Philo  was  sent  to 
Rome  to  make  appeal  to  Caligula  himself,  but  gained 
little  satisfaction.  Only  the  death  of  the  emperor 
ended  the  bloody  disputes  over  this  maddening  issue. 
With  all  its  openness  to  the  influences  of  surrounding 
culture,  Alexandria's  Judaism  did  not  depart  from  the 
great  underlying  principles  of  her  faith. 

329.  It  is  well  just  at  this  point  to  emphasize,  as 
contrary  to  Caligula's  procedure,  the  generally  favor- 
ing policy  of  the  Roman  emperors  toward  the  Jews  of 
the  Dispersion.  Such  instances  as  their  banishment 
from  Rome  by  Tiberius  in  A.  D.  19  (Ant.  xviii.  3, 
5),  and  later  by  Claudius  (Acts  xviii.  2),  are  ex- 
ceptional and  had  their  occasion  in  the  conduct  of  the 
Jews  themselves,  as  did  also  the  terrible  massacres  of 
the  times  of  Trajan  and  Hadrian.  The  right  to 
assemble  unmolested  in  their  synagogues  where,  in- 
deed, they  might  have  their  hopes  of  ultimate,  na- 
tional supremacy  quickened,  was  graciously  given  them 
throughout  the  extent  of  the  Roman  dominions.  Nor 
was  this  all.  To  avoid  friction,  exemption  from 
military  service  was  conceded  to  them  (Ant.  xiv.  10, 
6,  10,  13,  14, 18),  and  because  their  law  was  expanded 
so  as  to  apply  to  all  the  activities  of  life,  they  were 
allowed  their  own  tribunals  for  the  adjudication  of  all 
matters  purely  Jewish.     In  many  cities  they  enjoyed 


THE  TWOFOLD  INTEREST  OF  THE  DISPERSION    285 

civic  rights,  and  to  them  was  given  the  privilege  of 
becoming  Roman  citizens  with  consequent  exemption 
from  degrading  punishment  and  with  the  right  of 
appeal  to  the  emperor. 

330.'  Such  privileges  help  us  to  understand  the 
extent,  character,  and  importance  of  the  Jewish  Dis- 
persion. It  faced  the  Romans  in  every  centre  of 
influence  within  the  empire.  In  Africa,  S3a*ia,  Asia 
Minor,  Greece,  and  Italy  its  spirit  was  the  same.  It 
was  really  a  contradiction  within  the  empire  itself. 
It  resisted  all  fusion  and  demanded  especial  recogni- 
tion. Nay,  more,  it  sought  diligently,  earnestly,  and 
successfully  to  widen  its  outreach  and  power  by 
sharing  its  blessings  and  hopes  with  all  who  would 
accept  its  teachings  and  life. 

331.  The  impress  of  this  desire  to  save  the  heathen 
is  upon  nearly  all  Greeco-Jewish  literature.  It  is 
apologetic  in  tone  and  intensely  practical  in  aim.  It 
offers  to  a  sin-blinded  age  the  cure  which  can  be 
wrought  by  the  vital  acceptance  of  the  doctrines  of  a 
holy  God  and  a  pure  moral  life.  While  the  pagan 
world  in  general  despised  these  ''  separatists "  who 
thus  appealed  to  it,  and  envied  even  to  destructive 
violence  their  temporal  prosperity,  many  listened  to 
the  good  tidings  and  became  "God-fearing"  attend- 
ants upon  the  synagogal  worship. 

332.  From  all  these  facts  the  twofold  interest  of 
the  Dispersion  is  apparent,  —  one  in  the  development 
of  events  in  Judea;  the  other  in  the  conservation 
and  strengthening  of  all  the  influences  of  which  the 
synagogue  was  the  centre.  Out  of  one  came  the 
thrill  of  anguish  and  deep  indignation,  when  the 
temple  fell  in  hopeless  ruin ;  out  of  the  other,  the  new 


286       THE  ROMAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

zeal  to  make  the  law  and  the  nation's  final  hope  the 
staying  power  of  faith. 

333.  Through  the  reigns  of  Titus  (79-81  A.D.), 
Domitian  (81-96  A.  D.),  Nerva  (96-98  A.  d.),  on  to  the 
later  years  of  Trajan  (98-117  A.  D.),  the  Dispersion 
remembered  its  destroyed  capitol  and  widened  the 
cleft  between  itself  and  the  Gentile  world.  Domitian 
attempted  some  restrictive  measures,  but  there  was  no 
serious  disturbance.  The  outbreak  came  while  Trajan 
was  in  Mesopotamia,  Like  a  prairie  fire  driven  by  the 
wind,  the  fierce  flame  of  revolution  swept  along  the 
northern  coast  of  Africa.  In  Alexandria  and  Gyrene 
multitudes  fell,  both  of  Jews  and  Greeks,  while  the 
island  of  Cyprus  was  deluged  with  blood.  At  the 
same  time,  in  Mesopotamia  Trajan's  general,  Lucius 
Quietus,  cut  down  the  rebellious  Jews  without  mercy. 
The  mighty  uprising  was  finally  stayed.  It  was 
apparently  the  desperate  attempt  of  the  Dispersion  to 
bring  in  the  dominion  of  Israel.  Palestine  was  soon 
to  follow  the  terrible  example  (sect.  323).  Then 
with  the  political  question  forever  at  rest,  Judaism, 
both  in  Palestine  and  throughout  the  world,  gave 
itself  to  the  working  out  of  its  destiny.  So  it  must 
work  on  till  the  fulness  of  the  Gentiles  is  accom- 
plished, and  all  its  old  earthly  dreams  are  glorified  in 
the  bright  fulfilment  of  the  true  Messiah's  day. 


APPENDICES 


APPENDIX  I 


THE   SELEUCIDiE 

Seleucus  I.  Nicator  t  280  b.c. 


Antiochus  1.  Soter  t  261  b.c. 


Antiochus  11.  Theos  t  246  b.c. 


Seleucus  II,  Callinicos  t  226  b.c. 

! 

I  f 

Seleucus  III.  Ceraunos  t  223  b.c.        Antiochus  III.  the  Great  f  187  b.c. 


Seleucus  IV.  Philopator  1 175  b.c. 


( 1  )i  Antiochus  IV.  Epiphanes. 
175-164  B.C. 


(3)  Demetrius  I.  Soter. 

162-150  B.C. 


(2)  Antiochus 


T.  Eupator. 


164-162  B.C. 


(4)  Demetrius  II.  Nicator.^ 
145-138  B.C. 


(6) 


(5)  Antiochus  VII.  Sidetes. 
138-128  B.C. 


128-125/24  B.C. 


(7)  Seleucus  V.     (8)  Antiochus  VIII.  Grypos.3 


(9)  Antiochus  IX.  Cyzicenoa. 
113-95  B.C. 


1 125  B.C. 


125-113  B.C.      Antiochus  X.  Eusebes. 
(9)  111-96  B.C.  I 

(11)  Antiochus  XIII.  Asiaticus. 
69-65  B.C.  (deposed  65  B.C.). 


(10)  Seleucus  VI.,  Antiochus  XL,  Philip,  Demetrius  III.,  Antiochus  XII.* 

1  The  numbers  indicate  the  order  of  succession. 

*  During  150-145  B.C.  the  usurper  Alexander  Balas  ruled.  Demetrius  was  twice  on 
the  throne.     While  he  was  a  prisoner  in  Parthia,  Antiochus  VII.  ruled. 

8  After  a  reign  of  eleven  years,  Grypos  was  driven  out  by  Cyzicenos,  who  ruled  as 
sole  monarch  for  two  years.    Grypos  then  returned  and  regained  all  but  Coele-Syria. 

<  These  sons  were  in  almost  constant  conflict  for  twelve  years ;  hence,  Tigranes  of 
Armenia  ruled  Syria  from  83  to  69  B.C. 


APPENDIX   II 

THE  GENEALOGY  OF  THE  HASMONEANS 

Mattathias. 


John.  Simon.  Judas.  Eleazar. 

1  161  B.C.      1 135  I  B.C.  t  161  B.C.  1 163  B.C. 


Jonathan. 
1 143  B.C. 


Mattathias. 
t  135  B.C. 


Judas, 
t  135  B.C. 


John  Hyrcanus. 
1 105  1  B.C. 


Aristobulus  I.  Antigonus.  Alexander  Jannaeus, 

1 104  B.C.  t  104  B.C.  1  78  I  B.C. 


John  Hyrcanus  II. 
t30    B.C. 


Aristobulus  II. 
t  49  I  B.C. 


Alexandra  =  Alexander. 
1 28  B.C.     !     t49BC. 


Antigonus. 
t  37  B.C. 


Aristobulus  III. 
135  B.C. 


Mariamne. 
t29  B.C.  (married  to  Ilerod). 


OQ 

n 

o 

« 

6 

p^ 

C3 

t— 1 

K 

« 

1— 1 

^ 

^ 

l-H 

S 

p 

S 
"S 

ft 

P^ 

,-; 

-C^ 

i^; 

o 

"S 

'"5 

&^ 

p^ 

< 

< 

Ph 

cc 

-^  s 


APPENDIX   IV 


^"■""-i^'^  '^ 
'///^^<   ^ 


^-    \ 


rs^     • 


-^^z     ^"V.-^^      Herods   \;lg.= 

^^^  r  ;?.:;^  \Yard  1**^  \  =?i- 

-•      ^  ..     ^v     ^: 

^^    iHAcrk     H- 

^         -^H  Citadel  ^. 

/     Lower:  City -j,      \    Temple    \^ 
/     nPool         <f3      '  /      \  Inclosure 


•^^«^a  .^i^  .?r^; 


-^ ,' 


Supposed  liniX)f  Walls  about  Ji:rusalem  in  70  a.d. 


APPENDIX  V 

ARE  THERE  MACCABEAN  PSALMS? 

For  the  study  of  the  inner  life  and  spirit  of  Judaism 
during  the  Maccabean  period,  it  were  no  small  gain  if,  to 
our  sources  of  information,  we  might  add  the  long  list  of 
Psalms  declared  by  Eeuss  to  have  originated  in  this  period 
(Geschichte  der  heiligen  Schriften  Alien  Test.  sect.  481). 
Indeed,  with  the  smaller  number  acknowledged  by  Gratz 
(Fsalmen,  pp.  48-50),  we  should  have  an  excellent  store  of 
material  from  which  to  form  conceptions  of  the  religious 
attitude  of  the  nation  in  its  struggles  with  Syria  and  in  its 
times  of  crisis.  There  is,  however,  no  clear  and  indisput- 
able criterion  for  dating  any  of  these  Psalms  in  the 
Maccabean  era.  Even  among  those  who  contend  for  an 
enrichment  of  the  Psalter  during  this  period,  there  is 
much  diversity  of  opinion  about  the  extent  of  that  enrich- 
ment, except  in  the  case  of  some  four  or  five  psalms. 
The  treatment  of  the  subject  affords  easy  opportunity  for 
purely  subjective  criticism.  Specific  dates  are  often  de- 
termined upon  slender  evidence.  It  is  one  thing  to  see 
in  the  thought  and  phraseology  of  a  psalm  suitable  means 
for  the  expression  of  a  particular  mood  at  some  given 
time ;  it  is  quite  another  to  declare  that  at  that  time  the 
mood  produced  the  psalm.  For  example,  the  forty-fourth 
psalm  reveals  the  deep  trouble  of  lives  that  are  "  cast  ofP," 
"  put  to  confusion,'^  "  made  a  reproach  to  their  neighbors," 
"a  proverb  among  the  nations,"  and  yet  had  not  forgotten 
God  nor  "  stretched  out  their  hands  to  any  strange  God." 
All  this  fits  in  a  general  way  the  situation  at  the  time  of 


294  APPENDIX  V 

the  persecution  of  Antioclius  Epiphanes,  but,  if  we  may 
trust  careful  interpreters,  is  applicable  to  earlier  troubles 
in  the  history  of  the  people.  So  also  in  regard  to  Psalms 
seventy-four  and  seventy-nine,  which  are  also  confidently 
placed  within  the  Maccabean  era,  there  is  the  same  possi- 
bility of  earlier  reference.  The  words,  "  there  is  no  more 
any  prophet,"  and  the  statement,  "  they  have  burned  up 
all  the  synagogues  in  the  land,"  seem  decisive  for  the 
Maccabean  date ;  but  it  is  noteworthy  that  the  Septuagint 
correctly  puts  the  word  '^  feasts  "  in  place  of  "  synagogues," 
and  that  several  particulars  given  in  the  psalm  were  not 
realized  at  the  time  of  the  Maccabean  uprising.  Such,  for 
example,  are  the  burning  of  the  temple  itself  (Ixxiv.  7),  and 
the  prolonged  desolation  referred  to  in  the  earnest  cry  of 
the  psalmist  (Ixxiv.  10  ;  Ixxix.  5).  The  surprising  success 
of  Judas  Maccabeus  enabled  the  Jews  to  rededicate  the 
temple  within  three  years  after  its  profanation  under 
Antiochus.  It  requires  a  nice  balancing  of  details  to 
make  it  certain  that  the  psalms  do  not  fit  into  the  situa- 
tion succeeding  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  the 
Chaldeans.  Interpreters  are  by  no  means  agreed  upon 
the  historical  period  reflected  in  these  two  psalms.  The 
fourth  in  the  list  of  psalms,  about  whose  Maccabean  date 
there  is  some  confident  assertion,  is  quite  indefinite  in  its 
historical  reference,  so  much  so  that  it  may  be  said  that 
"  there  is  no  period  in  Jewish  history  known  to  us  with 
which  the  position  of  affairs  as  indicated  in  this  psalm 
(the  eighty-third)  is  in  complete  correspondence."  If, 
therefore,  the  historical  situations  indicated  in  the  psalms 
give  us  no  clear,  unquestionable  date,  are  there  other  con- 
siderations which  argue  for  an  earlier  origin  than  in  the 
time  of  the  Maccabees?  The  answer  to  this  question  car- 
ries us  into  the  region  of  the  perplexing  inquiries  which 
arise  in  connection  with  the  formation  of  the  Psalter  it- 
self.   If  one  assumes  that  the  canon  of  the  Old  Testament 


APPENDIX  V  295 

was  virtually  completed  in  the  days  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah, 
a  decision  regarding  Maccabean  psalms  becomes  simplicity 
itself.  Because,  however,  to  many  such  an  early  date  for 
the  completion  of  the  canon  is  an  assumption,  we  must 
seek  for  unquestioned  data  upon  which  to  base  an  argu- 
ment. The  first  of  these  is  found  in  the  Septuagint 
Version,  which  contained  the  whole  Psalter.  Unfortu- 
nately we  can  only  conjecture  about  the  date  of  the  com- 
pletion of  this  version.  In  132  b.  c.  the  grandson  of 
Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach,  refers  to  a  Greek  version  of 
'^the  law,  the  prophets,  and  the  other  writings."  Were 
this  testimony  more  specific  in  its  reference  to  the  "  other 
writings,"  the  case  might  rest  here.  The  uncertainty, 
however,  regarding  the  actual  contents  of  this  third  group 
makes  the  witness  serviceable  toward  establishing  the 
fact  of  a  canon  made  up  of  three  distinct  groups  of  books, 
but  does  not  define  the  third  group.  Dillman  finds  no 
testimony  in  the  Book  of  Sirach  to  the  Psalter.  Granting 
that  the  Greek  version  of  the  Psalter  is  to  be  dated  as 
late  as  100  b.  c,  we  still  are  confronted  with  difficulties 
regarding  Maccabean  Psalms.  These  difficulties  arise  in 
connection  with  the  titles  affixed  to  the  Psalms  them- 
selves. Most  of  the  Psalms  accepted  as  Maccabean  are 
found  in  Books  II.  and  III.  of  the  Psalter.  The  contents 
of  these  books  may  be  conveniently  arranged  in  three 
divisions :  the  Psalms  of  David,  li.-lxxii. ;  those  of 
Korah,  xlii.-xlix.,  and  those  of  Asaph,  1.,  Ixxiii.- 
Ixxxiii.  Such  classification  and  arrangement  as  this, 
together  with  some  facts  that  become  apparent  in  the 
study  of  the  arrangement,  implies  processes  which  require 
considerable  time.  Some  of  these  processes  are  :  (a)  the 
grouping  of  the  psalms  which  had  previously  received  a 
common  title,  such  as,  "-  A  psalm  of  Asaph. ''  (h)  The 
redaction  which  is  declared  to  have  taken  place  by  those 
claiming  that  there  are  Maccabean  psalms,  of  the  greater 


296  APPENDIX  V 

part  of  the  collections  forming  Books  II.  and  III.  by  the 
change  of  the  name  Jehovah  to  Elohim.  It  is  to  be  noted 
in  passing,  that  if  the  Maccabean  psalms  were  added  after 
this  second  process  was  completed,  they,  too,  were  made 
"  Elohistic;  "  and  the  supposed  reason  for  this  change  is 
their  insertion  among  the  psalms  to  be  used  in  the  temple 
service,  but  their  general  tone  was  not  suited  to  this  pur- 
pose, (c)  The  arrangement  of  the  entire  Psalter  after  it 
was  collected  and  the  variation  in  the  numbering  of  the 
psalms  (see  Sanday,  Inspiration^  p.  272).  These  pro- 
cesses, in  which  the  most  generally  accepted  Maccabean 
psalms  are  involved,  require  seemingly  a  longer  time  than 
their  supposed  origin  allows.  Emphatically  is  this  the 
case  with  the  seventy-ninth  psalm,  if  the  quotation  in  I. 
Maccabees  vii.  17  (c.  B.  C.  100),  recognizing  the  psalm 
as  Scripture,  is  rightly  referred.  Uncertainty,  therefore, 
regarding  the  historical  situation,  and  grave  difficulties 
connected  with  their  admission  into  the  Psalter,  as  it 
seems  to  have  been  collected  and  arranged,  warrant  no 
unqualified  usage  of  these  so-called  Maccabean  psalms  as 
sources  of  information  for  this  heroic  period. 
Works  for  reference  upon  this  question  :  — 

The  Poetry  and  the  Keligion  of  the  Psalms,  James  Robertson, 
1898. 

The  Canon  of  the  Old  Testament,  Ryle,  1895. 

The  Old  Testament  in  the  Jewish  Church,  Robertson-Smith, 
1892. 

The  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  Kautzsch,  1897. 

The  Psalms,  Cambridge  Bible  for  School,  Kirkpatrick,  1891. 

The  Psalms,  Perowne,  1876. 

The  Origin  and  Religious  Contents  of  the  Psalter  ;  also  Jewish 
Religious  Life  after  the  Exile,  Cheyne,  1889, 1898. 

Lectures  on  Inspiration,  Sanday,  1894. 


APPENDIX  VI 

BOOKS   OF   REFERENCE  UPON   JEWISH  HISTORY 

The  Maccabean  period,  apart  from  its  own  history,  is 
significant  in  that  the  new  development  of  the  nation's 
life  after  the  exile  reaches  therein  a  critical  stage.  The 
ulterior  limit  of  the  period  is  just  this  side  of  the  range 
of  those  critical  theories  which  have  made  the  Persian  and 
Greek  periods  so  important  in  the  life  and  literature  of 
the  Jewish  people,  and  yet  the  period  must  be  studied  in 
the  light  of  those  theories  as  well  as  from  the  facts  it  itself 
offers  for  the  elucidation  of  its  character  and  significance. 
The  recent  valuable  work  done  upon  the  literature  of 
these  inter-testamental  times  has  added  to  our  knowl- 
edge in  such  particulars  as  call  for  modification  at 
certain  points  of  our  conception  of  the  history  as  given 
by  Ewald,  Gratz,  Stanley,  Milman,  Renan,  and  Holtzman. 
The  invaluable  work  of  Gratz  needs  careful  questioning 
at  those  points  where  tradition  is  woven  into  the  narra- 
tive and  where  the  literature  of  the  period  is  cited  and 
used.  In  addition  to  the  critical  handling  of  events  in 
the  commentaries  of  Fritzsche,  Grimm,  Bissell,  and  Wace 
upon  the  apocryphal  books,  careful  reckoning  must  be  had 
with  Wellhausen  in  his  third  edition  of  his  Geschichte 
des  Volkes  Israel,  1897.  Schlirer's  monumental  work, 
The  Jewish  People  in  the  Time  of  Jesus  Christy  is  a 
veritable  treasure-house  of  materials  for  the  student  of 
this  and  of  the  Eoman  period,  and  it  is  matter  for  regret 
that  the  new  edition  is  not  yet  at  hand.  Its  conclusions 
upon  the  literature  of  these  periods  must  be  tested  by 
the  work  of  such  scholars  as  Charles  and  Deane,  whose 


298  APPENDIX   VI 

study  of  apocryphal  literature  has  been  peculiarly  helpful. 
Valuable  articles  embodying  the  latest  results  of  criticism 
upon  this  literature  will  be  found  in  the  new  Bible  dic- 
tionaries by  Hastings  and  Cheyne. 

Of  the  deepest  interest  to  the  student  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament is  the  development  of  Jewish  theology  during  the 
two  centuries  preceding  Christ's  incarnation.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  works  of  Drummond  and  Stanton,  The  Jew- 
ish Messiah  and  The  Jewish  and  Christian  Messiah^  we 
have  a  critical  history  of  the  eschatology  of  this  period 
by  E.  H.  Charles,  D.D.,  1899.  Weber's  Judische  The- 
ologie  auf  Grund  des  Talmud  und  vevwandter  Schrifte^i, 
1897,  also  presents  a  clear,  full  view  of  such  theological 
conceptions  as  Jesus  had  to  face.  In  Toy's  Judaism 
and  Christianity,  the  religious  development  of  the  Juda- 
ism of  this  period  is  set  forth  with  discrimination  and 
power.  A  rich  store  of  materials  for  this  phase  of  the 
history  is  to  be  found  in  Cheyue's  Origin  and  Religious 
Contents  of  the  Psalter,  1889,  and  in  his  recent  work, 
Jewish  Religious  Life  after  the  Exile,  1898.  It  is  in 
the  Maccabean  period  that  the  religious  parties  come 
clearly  into  the  field  of  history.  For  the  study  of  the 
origin,  spirit,  and  history  of  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees, 
Wellhausen's  Pharisder  und  Saddiicder  is  yet  of  prime 
importance.  Valuable  chapters  upon  these  two  parties 
are  to  be  found  in  Keim's  Life  of  Christ,  and  Haus- 
rath's  Neiu  Testament  Times,  and  upon  the  Essenes  in 
Lightfoot's  essay  affixed  to  his  commentary  on  Colossians 
and  Philemon.  Morrison,  in  his  Jeivs  under  the  Roman 
Rule,  1890,  also  discusses  with  considerable  fulness  and 
care  the  problem  of  Essenism  in  Jewish  history. 

The  history  of  Judaism  in  Egypt  is  bound  up  with  that 
of  the  different  sovereignties  in  that  much-ruled  land. 
As  a  component  part  of  the  history  of  Egypt,  the  position, 
power,  and  ambitions  of  Judaism  are  set  forth  by  Mahaffy, 


APPENDIX  VI  299 

in  his  The  Empire  of  the  Ptolemies^  1895,  Greek  Life 
and  Thought,  1887,  and  a  History  of  Egypt  under  the 
Ptolemaic  Dynasty,  1899.  They  all  give  a  vivid  picture 
of  the  background  of  Judaism  in  this  period,  as  does  also 
Milne's  A  History  of  Egypt  under  Roman  Eule,  1898,  for 
the  Eoraan  period. 

The  greatest  name  in  Alexandrian  Judaism  is  that 
of  Philo  Judaeus.  A  recent  work  by  Edward  Herriot, 
Philon  Le  Juif  1898,  gives  a  thorough  study  of  this 
master  of  Grseco-Jewish  thought.  The  book  also  em- 
bodies an  interesting  review  of  the  interaction  of  Juda- 
ism and  Hellenism  in  Alexandria.  As  a  help  to  the 
understanding  of  the  Hellenistic  environment  of  Juda- 
ism, not  only  in  Egypt,  but  elsewhere,  Droysen's  History 
of  Hellenism  is  of  much  value. 

While  research  has  been  constantly  active  in  reference  to 
the  literature  which  contributes  to  our  knowledge  of  the 
development  of  Judaism,  exploration  has  been  equally 
interested  in  making  definite  the  localities  and  scenes  of 
its  history.  The  results  of  the  fine  work  of  the  Palestine 
Exploration  Society  have  been  given  to  us  in  various 
forms.  An  example  of  the  value  of  a  close  personal 
acquaintance  with  the  land  as  an  assistance  to  the  imagi- 
nation in  making  real  and  vivid  the  history  is  to  be  found 
in  Conders'  Judas  Maccabeus,  1894;  and  for  the  entire 
history  of  the  Jews  in  Palestine,  George  Adam  Smith's 
The  Historical  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land,  —  a  new 
edition  of  which  is  just  announced.  Valuable  books  of 
reference  embodying  the  results  of  all  recent  geographical 
work  are  Buhl's  Geographie  des  alten  Paldstina,  1896, 
Starck's  Lexikalisches  Hilfshuch  Paldstina  und  Syrien, 
1894,  and  Stewart's  The  Land  of  Israel,  1899.  The  work 
of  Dr.  Bliss  on  Excavations  at  Jerusalem,  1894-1897,  con- 
tains the  latest  material  for  the  study  of  the  topography 
of  the  Holy  City. 


300  APPENDIX  VI 

The  conquest  of  the  Jews  by  Pompey,  in  63  b.  c, 
brought  the  land  into  such  relations  with  the  Roman 
power  that  its  history  became  part  of  the  history  of  the 
Roman  sovereignty.  Rome's  methods,  policy,  and  changes 
in  rulership  have,  therefore,  a  significant  bearing  upon 
the  welfare  and  progress  of  the  Jews.  One  of  the  best 
recent  works  presenting  the  interrelation  of  the  two  his- 
tories, Rome  and  Judea,  is  Morrison^s  The  Jews  under 
Roman  Rule,  1890.  The  great  histories  of  Rome  by 
Merirale  and  Mommsen  are  indispensable  to  a  full  under- 
standing of  those  changes  in  the  Roman  world  which 
had  their  effect  upon  Palestine.  To  be  sure,  the  little 
land  upon  the  eastern  side  of  the  Mediterranean  was 
comparatively  insignificant,  but  the  Jews  were  always 
influential  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  size  of  their  land, 
and  Rome's  history  affected  them  at  many  more  points 
than  at  Joppa,  or  Jerusalem,  or  Ptolemais.  The  com- 
ing of  the  Romans  resulted  in  a  complete  reorganiza- 
tion of  the  government.  The  political  history  of  this 
period  is  carefully  worked  out  in  Mommsen's  The  Prov- 
inces of  the  Roman  Empire,  vol.  ii.,  1886,  and  in  Mar- 
quardt's  Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  Band  1. 1881.  Keim, 
in  his  Jesus  of  Nazara,  vol.  i.,  and  Hausrath,  in  his  New 
Testament  Times,  vol.  ii.,  have  also  valuable  chapters 
upon  the  political  situation  in  Judea  in  Roman  times. 
A  recent  work  from  the  pen  of  Professor  Ramsay,  Was 
Christ  born  in  Bethlehem  ?  has  given  new  light  upon  the 
matter  of  enrolments  during  the  reign  of  Augustus. 

In  the  department  of  archaeology  Madden's  Coins  of  the 
Jeivs,  1881,  gives  a  very  full  account  of  the  coinage  of 
both  the  Maccabean  and  Roman  periods. 

For  a  sifted  and  classified  collection  of  traditions  bear- 
ing upon  the  history  of  both  periods,  we  turn  to  Deren- 
bourg's  Essai  sur  VHistoire  et  la  Geographie  de  la  Pales- 
tine ;  and  for  questions  concerning  the  canon,  Ryle's  The 


APPENDIX  VI  301 

Canon  of  the  Old  Testament,  1895,  Kautzsch's  Literature 
of  the  Old  Testament,  1897,  and  Sanday's  Bampton- 
Lectures  on  Inspiration,  1894,  will  be  found  eminently 
serviceable. 

The  following  recent  works  upon  this  general  period 
are  a  sign  of  the  deepening  interest  in  this  comparatively 
unknown  portion  of  Jewish  history  :  Streane's  The  Age  of 
the  Maccabees,  1898,  a  work  valuable  for  its  treatment 
of  the  literature  of  the  period  ;  Moss's  From  Malachi 
to  Mattheiu,  1899,  a  concise,  scholarly  presentation  "of  the 
history  of  the  Jews  from  the  time  of  the  prophecy  of 
Malachi  to  the  birth  of  Jesus  ;  Fair  weather's  From  the 
Exile  to  the  Advent,  1895,  a  handbook  into  which  is 
skilfully  condensed  the  substance  of  four  hundred  years' 
history ;  Mathews'  A  History  of  New  Testament  Times  in 
Palestine,  1^'^^,  a  vigorous,  able,  and  pithy  presentation 
of  the  salient  facts  and  features  of  Judaism  between  the 
dates  175  b.c.  and  70  a.d.  ;  and  Judea  from  Gyrus  to  Titus, 
507  B.C.  to  70  A.D.,  by  Elizabeth  W.  Latimer,  a  vivid,  pop- 
ular narrative  of  the  political,  religious,  and  social  experi- 
ences of  the  Jewish  nation  during  this  long  period.  To 
this  list  should  be  added  Canon  Farrar's  popular  work  on 
the  Herods. 

Editions  of  Apocryphal  Books:  — 

Book  of  Enoch,  Charles,  1893. 

Book  of  Wisdom,  Deane,  1881. 

Psalms  of  Solomon,  Ryle  and  James,  1891. 

Apocalypse  of  Baruch,  Charles,  1896. 

Assumption  of  Moses,  Charles,  1897. 

Book  of  Jubilees,  Charles,  1895. 

Fourth  Esdras,  Bensly  &  James,  1895. 

Sibylline  Oracles,  Alexandre,  1869,  or  Friedlieb,  1850. 


BOOKS   OF   REFERENCE 


POLITICS  AND  LITERATURE 

Abbreviations. 

MR.P Mommsen  —  The  Provinces  of  the  Roman 

Empire,  Vol.  11.,  1886. 
MtRS Marquardt —  Romische    Staatsverwaltung, 

Vol.  L,  188L 
SchJPTC      .     .     .     Schiirer  —  Jewish   People  in   the  Time  of 

Christ,  1890.     Div.  I.,  Vol.  U. ;  Div.  IL, 

Vol.  III. 

HePJ Herriot  — Philonle  Juif,  1898. 

StAM Streane  —  The  Age  of  the  Maccabees,  1898. 

DP      .     .     .     .     ,     Derenbourg  —  Essai    sur    I'Histoire    et    la 

Geographie  de  la  Palestine. 

MCJ Madden  —  Coins  of  the  Jews,  1881. 

Introductions  to  various  apocryphal  books,  see  Appendix  VI. 


EwHI 
RePI  , 


GrGJ  .     . 
HmGVI  . 

CoruHPI 

MorJR 

MHR  . 

HNZ  . 


HISTORY 

Ewald  —  History  of  Israel  (Eng.  transl.). 
Renan  —  History  of   the  People  of  Israel, 

IV.,  v.,  1896. 
Graetz  —  Geschichte  der  Juden,  IL,  III. 
Holtzmann  —  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel, 

II.  (Stade),  1888. 
Cornill  —  History  of  the  People  of   Israel, 

1898. 
Morrison  —  The  Jews   under  the  Romans, 

1890. 
Mommsen  —  History  of  Rome  (Eng.  transl), 

1889. 
Holtzmann  —  Neutestamentliche      Zeitge- 

schichte,  1895. 


BOOKS  OF   REFERENCE 


;03 


Abbreviations. 

SchJPTC 
MilHJ     . 


Schiirer  —  Jewish   People   in   the   Time  of 

Christ,  Dir.  I.,  Vols.  I.,  II.,  1890. 
Milman  —  History  of  the  Jews,  I.,  II. 


SchJPTC 

ToyJC     . 
KeimJN  . 


HrNT 
ChE  . 
HaB    . 


RELIGION 

Schiirer  —  The  Jewish  People  in  the  Time  of 

Christ,  Div.  II.,  Vols.  II.,  III.,  1890. 
Toy  —  Judaism  and  Christianity,  1892. 
Keim  —  Jesus   of    Nazara,    Vol.    I.    (Eng. 

transl.). 
Hausrath  —  New  Testament  Times,  Vol.  I., 

1880. 
Charles  —  Eschatology,    Hebrew,    Jewish, 

and  Christian,  1899. 
Hastings  —  Bible  Dictionary,  1898. 


REFERENCES 

Part  I.— THE  MACCABEAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH 
HISTORY 

I 

THE    HISTORICAL   SOURCES    AND    LITERATURE    OF    THE   PERIOD 

I.  Maccabees ;  II.  Maccabees  ;  Jewish  War,  I.  1-6 ;  Antiqui- 
ties, Books  XXL,  XIII.;  Daniel;  Enoch,  XXXVII.-LXXIL, 
LXXXIII.-XC. ;  Book  of  Wisdom;  Sibylline  Oracles,  Book  III. ; 
SchJPTC  Div.  II.,  HI.  6-13,  49-54,  55-73,  211-215,  271-288; 
Div.  I.,  I.  77-99,  111-114;  StAM  143-156,  187-196,  218-221, 
222-225,  Appendix  C.  ;  RePI  IV.  297-313;  V.  20-26;  HmGVI 
II.  322-333,  410-436. 

II 

THE   CAUSES    AND    OCCASION    OF    THE    MACCABEAN    UPRISING 

EwHI  V.  286-300;  GrGJ  II.  292-321;  SchJPTC  I.,  I.  186- 
212  ;  CornHPI  175-193  ;  RePI  IV.  2.59-276,  289-296;  MorJR  1- 
7;  MilHJ  I.  502-509  ;  HmGVI  II.  311-322,  334-335;  DP  41-69. 

in 

THE    SUCCESSFUL    STRUGGLE    FOR    RELIGIOUS    FREEDOM 

GrGJ  II.  322-364;  CornHPI  193-197;  EwHI  V.  306-318; 
SchJPTC  I.,  I.  213-224;  RePI  IV.  314-329;  MorJR  8-9;  MilHJ 
II.  9-19;  HmGVI  II.  335-343. 

lY 

THE  LONG  CONTEST  FOR  POLITICAL  FREEDOM 

EwHI  V.  319-326 ;  GrGJ  III.  1-14;  SchJPTC  I.,  I.  225-239; 
CornHPI  197-201;  RePI  IV.  329-345;  MilHJ  II.  20-24; 
HmGVI  II.  343,  359-363. 


REFERENCES  305 

V 

THE  ATTAINMENT  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

EwHiy.  327-334;  GrGJ  DI.  15-26,  55-58;  SchJPTC  I.,  I. 
240-257 ;'  CornHPI  201-205  ;  RePI  IV.  345-V.  4 ;  MilHJ  U.  25- 
27;  HmGVI  II.  364-375. 

VI 

JUDAISM  IN   SYRIA   AND   EGYPT 

GrGJ  III.  26-54;  RePI  IV.  208-219,  V.  67-86;  MilHJ  II.  32- 
35;  HmGVI  II.  344-346;  EwHI  V.  354-358;  HePJ  54-105; 
SchJPTC  II.,  II.  225-230,  H.,  III.  230-243;  ChE  252-260. 

VII 

THE   HAPPY   DAYS   OF   SIMON'S   REIGN 

SchJPTC  I.,  I.  258-271 ;  EwHI  V.  335-342;  GrGJ  III.  55-70; 
CornHPI  205-208;  RePI  V.  5-12;  MilHJ  II.  28-29;  HmGVI  II. 
375-385;  MC J  61-73. 

VIII 

HISTORICAL   EXPANSION   UNDER  JOHN  HYRCANUS 

SchJPTC  I.,  I.  273-290 ;  EwHI  V.  342-354 ;  GrGJ  IH.  71-86 ; 
CornHPI  209-211;  RePI  V.  27-36;  MilHJ  II.  30-31;  HmGVI 
II.  385-394  ;  MC  J  74-83 ;  DP  70-82. 

IX 

INTERNAL   DIVISIONS   AND   THE   GROWTH   OF   PARTIES 

GrGJ  III.  87-110:  SchJPTC  I.,  I.  291-312;  EwHI  V.  359- 
376;  CornHPI  212-215;  RePI  V.  37-57;  MilHJ  II.  37-42; 
HmGVI  11.  394-397;  SchJPTC  II.,  II.  4-43;  HrNT  I.  135-169; 
KeimJN  I.  329-393;  MorJR  296-322,  323-347;  MCJ  83-91;  DP 
95-144. 


306  REFERENCES 


THE    REVIVAL   OF    HELLENISM    AND    THE   STRUGGLE   OF 
PARTIES 

HmGVI  II.  400-410;  CornHPI  215-219;  EwHI  V.  385-392; 
GrGJ  III.  131-166 ;  RePI  V.  93-121 ;  MilHJ  II.  44-49. 

XI 

FATAL   DISSENSIONS    AND    THE    COMING    OF    THE    ROMANS 

EwHI  V.  395-402;  GrGJ  III.  167-181;  SchJPTC  I.,  I.  313- 
325;  CornHPI  219-225;  RePI  V.  122-136;  MilHJ  II.  50-56; 
HmGVI  II.  437-442 ;  MHR  IV.  163-170. 


Part  XL  — THE   EOMAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH 
HISTORY 


THE    HISTORICAL    SOURCES    AND    LITERATURE    OF    THE    PERIOD 

Antiquities,  Books,  XIV. -XX. ;  Jewish  War,  Book  I.  8-Book 
VII. ;  Against  Apion ;  The  Gospels  and  the  Acts  ;  Plutarch ; 
Suetonius;  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVTI.-LIV. ;  Appian,BK  XI. ;  Taci- 
tus, BK  V.  1-13  ;  Psalms  of  Solomon  ;  Assumption  of  Moses ; 
Book  of  Jubilees;  SchJPTC  Div.  II.,  III.  17-22,  73-80,,  134-139, 
321-381,  8.3-91,  93-108;  StAM  204-212,  225-227,  227-228,  228- 
234;  ChE  245-249,  249-251,  269-297;  RePI  V.  185-188. 


II 

THE    TROUBLOUS    TIMES    OF   HYRCANUS    II 

SchJPTC  I.,  I.  371-391;  EwHI  V.  394-412  ;  GrGJ  III.  167- 
189;  RePI  V.  163-175;  MorJR  41-57;  CornHPI  225-230; 
MilHJ  11.  59-64;  HmGVI  II.  456-460;  MCJ  92-96. 


REFERENCES  307 

III 

THE    LAST    OF    THE   HASMONEAKS 

EwHI  V.  411-41G;  GrGJ  III.  190-206;  RePl  V.  17G-184 ; 
CornHPI  230-232;  JSlilHJ  II.  63-68;  HmGVI  II.  467-476; 
MRP  II.  174-178;  MtRS  I.  406-407. 

IV 

HEKOD    THE    KING    OF    THE    JEWS 

EwHI  V.  413-428;  HmGVI  II.  469-481 ;  GrGJ  III.  204-234  ; 
RePI  V.  212-226;  MilHJ  II.  65-77;  MorJR  58-75;  MRP  II.' 
177-178;  MtRS  407-408;  IlrNJ  I.  216-270;  KeimJN  I.  233- 
241;  MCJ  105-114;  HaB  II.  355-357;  HNZ  74-77. 

V 

HEROD    UNDER   AUGUSTUS 

EwHI  V.  429-440;  CornHPI  234-237;  HmGVI  II.  491-494; 
GrGJ  III.  235-246;  RePI  V.  227-250;  MilHJ  II.  77-86  ;  ]\IorJR 
76-83;  MRP  II.  179-182;  HrNT  II.  3-29  ;  KeimJN  I.  241-248. 

VI 

IN   THE   DAYS    OF    HEROD    THE    KING 

EwHI  V.  441-449;  HmGVI  II.  495-505;  GrGJ  III.  246-261; 
RePI  V.  251-260;  MilHJ  II.  87-97;  MorJR  85-91;  DP  145- 
165;  MRP  II.  182-183;  HrNT  II.  29-52;  KeimJN  I.  248-254. 

VII 

THE    INNER    LIFE    OF    THE    NATION 

SchJPTC  II.,  I.  207-305,  306-377;  II.,  II.  44-83,  90-125, 126- 
187;  KeimJN  I.  296-328;  MorJR  240-252,  273-295,  362-374; 
DP  176-192;  RePI  V.  269-278  ;  ChE  162-199,  200-268,  269-305; 
HrNT  I.  84-113;  ToyJC  246-248,  258-266,  319-331 ;  HNZ  147- 
157,  208-211. 


308  REFERENCES 

VITI 

herod's  sons  and  king  agrippa 

SchJPTC  I.,  II.  10-165 ;  MorJR  92-118 ;  GrGJ  III.  262-272, 
339-389;  RePI  V.  261-268;  CornHPI  241-246,  254,  257,  253- 
258  ;  MilHJ  II.  99-112, 133-139, 164-169  ;  DP  205-219  ;  KeimJN 
I.  253-275;  HmGVI  II.  506-521;  MRP  II.  183-184,  200-201; 
HrNT  II.  61-72  ;  HNZ  78-79,  81-82  ;  MCJ  114-139. 

IX 

IN   THE   HANDS   OF    ROME 

HrNTIL  72-93;  MRP  II.  184-191,  194-200;  MtRS  411-412; 
HmGVI  II.  506-513,  628-645;  MilHJ  II.  125-131,  170-186; 
CornHPI  246-252,  259-271;  GrGJ  III.  388-389,  461-472;  MorJR 
119-152;  DP  230,  247-261;  SchJPTC  I.,  11.  39-87;  HNZ  79,  83- 
86;  MCJ  173-187. 


THE   FINAL   CATASTROPHE 

MorJR  153-180;  SchJPTC  I,  II.  207-256;  HNZ  85-87; 
GrGJ  III.  505-578;  CornHPI  272-301;  DP  262-301;  MilHJ  II. 
248-390;  HmGVI  II.  645-657,  664-674;  MRP  II.  205-220; 
MCJ  188-206. 

XI 

GLIMPSES   OF    JUDAISM   IN  PALESTINE   AFTER   THE   WAR  AND   OF 
JUDAISM    IN   THE   DISPERSION 

MorJR  181-206,  375-415;  RePI  V.  189-205;  HmGVI  IT  460- 
462;  MRP  II.  162-170;  RePI  V.  279-326;  SchJPTC  L,  II.  257- 
321;  MilHJ  II..391-497;  MRP  II.  192,  220-225,  230;  SchJPTC 
II.,  II.  219-327;  HtPJ  107-135;  DP  366-438;  MCJ  207-253. 


INDEXES 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


AbT  ALIGN,  177,  181. 

Agrippa  I.,  241;  his  career,  242;  aids 
Claudius,  243;  his  influence,  243; 
his  territory  increased,  243;  his 
persecution  of  the  Christian  church, 
244;  death  of,  245. 

Agrippa  II.,  257;  his  policy,  258;  as 
mediator,  262. 

Albinus,  257,  258. 

Alcinius  as  his;h-priest,  45,  47;  treach- 
ery of,  46 ;  defaces  the  temple,  55. 

Alexander,  procurator,  254. 

Alexander,  son  of  Aristobulus,  at- 
tempts to  seize  throne,  157 ;  second 
attempt  and  defeat,  158. 

Alexander,  son  of  Herod,  killed,  210. 

Alexander  Balas,  58;  marries  Cleo- 
patra, 60;  defeated  at  Antioch,  61; 
death,  62. 

Alexander 'Jannseus,  made  king,  119; 
besieges  Ptolemais  and  Gaza,  119; 
defeat  at  Asphon,  120;  alliance 
with  Cleopatra,  121 ;  otfends  the 
Pharisees,  122;  conquests  of  Gadara, 
Amathus,  Raphia,  and  Anthedon, 
121;  his  vengeance,  121,  124;  his 
struggles  against  Pharisees,  123; 
defeat  at  Shechem,  123;  war  with 
Antiochus  XII.,  124;  defeat  at 
Adida,  124;  three  years  of  con- 
quests beyond  Jordan,  125;  death 
and  funeral,  125 ;  character  of  his 
reign,  125. 

Alexander  of  Macedonia,  character 
of,  14. 

Alexander  Zabinas.  100. 


Alexandra,  wife  of  Jannaeus,  supports 
Pharisees,  122;  her  accession,  127; 
notable  facts  of  her  reign,  128; 
appeal  of  Sadducees  to,  129;  pro- 
pitiates Tigranes,  130;  death,  130; 
benefits  of  her  reign,  130. 

Alexandra,  daughter  of  Hyrcanus, 
182;  appeals  to  Antony,  182;  pris- 
oner at  Jerusalem,  183 ;  plots  against 
Herod,  184, 189;  death  of,  190. 

Alexandria,  Judaism  in,  10;  Jews  in, 
75-77 ;  Jewish  literature  of,  78,  86 ; 
persecution  of  Jews  in,  242, 243,  284. 

Ambivius,  procurator,  250. 

Ananel,  made  high-priest,  181;  de- 
posed, 182. 

Ananias,  murdered,  263. 

Antigonus,  brother  of  Aristobulus, 
murdered,  118. 

Antigonus,  son  of  Aristobulus,  168; 
effort  to  seize  throne,  170;  defeat 
at  Jerusalem  and  death,  177. 

Antioch,  72,  73. 

Antiochus  IV.  (Epiphanes),  18;  his 
Hellenism,  18;  in  Egypt,  20;  op- 
position to  Judaism,  21;  persecu- 
tions under,  22,  23,  24;  plan  of 
extermination  of  Jews,  31;  death 
of,  39. 

Antiochus  V.,  Lysias  guardian  of,  39. 

Antiochus  VI.,  63 ;  supported  by 
Jonathan,  64. 

Antiochus  VII.  (Sidetes),  drives  out 
Tryphon,  94;  besieges  Jerusalem, 
98";  death  of,  100. 

Antiochus  VIII.,  100,  101 


312 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


Antiochus  IX.,  101, 103. 

Antipas,  see  Herod  Antipas. 

Antipater,  plots  against  Herod,  210; 
sent  to  Rome,  211;  trial  and  death, 
212. 

Antipater  of  Idumea,  made  governor, 
131;  supports  Hyrcanus,  331;  com- 
pact with  Aretas,  131;  156,  158, 160, 
161;  aids  Mithridates  at  Pelusium, 
162;  aids  Caesar,  162;  at  Memphis, 
162;  his  reward,  163;  his  increasing 
power,  164;  death,  character,  and 
influence  of,  167. 

Antipater,  son  of  Herod,  205,  206, 
207. 

Antony,  ruler  of  Syria,  168  ;  in  Egypt, 
173;  in  Tyre,  173;  aids  Herod,  173; 
in  Laodicea,  184;  death  of,  186. 

Apocalypse  of  Baruch,  153. 

Apollonius,  at  Jerusalem,  21. 

Archelaus  of  Cappadocia,  his  daughter 
marries  Alexander,  204 ;  saves  Alex- 
ander from  death,  207. 

Archelaus,  son  of  Herod,  made  king, 
232;  his  policy,  233-234;  goes  to 
Rome,  234;  made  ethnarch,  235; 
his  reign,  235 ;  deposed,  235. 

Aretas,  battle  with  Antiochus  XH., 
124;  made  governor  of  Damascus, 
124;  withdraws  from  Judea,  125; 
defeats  Aristobulus,  132. 

Aristobulus,  80;  his  writings,  81. 

Aristobulus,  son  of  Herod  I.,  204; 
killed,  210. 

Aristobulus  I.,  son  of  Hyrcanus,  made 
high-priest,  117;  takes  title  of 
king,  118;  encourages  Hellenism, 
118;  murder  of  Antigonus,  119. 

Aristobulus  H.,  127;  attempt  to  seize 
the  kingdom,  130 ;  defeat  by  Aretas, 
132;  relieved  by  Scaurus,  133;  alli- 
ance with  Pompey,  134;  thrown 
into  prison,  134;  escape  and  return 
to  Rome,  158. 

Aristobulus  IH.,  'Herod's  brother-in- 
law,  made  high-priest,  182;  death 
of,  130. 

Assumption  of  Moses,  151,  229. 

Athronges,  proclaims  himself  king  in 
Judea,  234. 


Augustus,  defeats  Antony,  186;  com- 
pact with  Herod,  187;  his  policy, 
192;  confirms  Herod's  will,  235; 
deposes  Herod  Antipas,  235;  ar- 
rangement of  provinces  by,  246,  247. 

Bacchides,  treachery  of,  46;  cam- 
paign against  Judas,  54,  55. 

Balas,  see  Alexander  Balas. 

Bar-Cochba,  281. 

Berenice,  palace  burned,  263. 

Berytus,  council  of,  209. 

Beth-horon,  Seron  defeated  at,  30; 
rout  of  Romans  at,  264. 

Bethsaida,  Julias,  241. 

Bethsur,  defeat  of  Lysias  at,  33 ;  for- 
tified by  Judas,  35. 

Boethusim,  196. 

Book  of  Enoch,  228,  229. 

Book  of  Jubilees,  152,  222,  229. 

Book  of  Wisdom,  81,  82,  83,  84,  230. 

Cesar,  Julius,  159,  160;  aids  Cleo- 
patra, 162;  relations  to  Antipater, 
162;  reorganization  of  Judea  by, 
163 ;  death  of,  166  ;  mourned  by  the 
Jews,  163. 

Ciesar,  Sextus,  164, 165. 

Cffsarea,  harbor  built  by  Herod,  198, 
199. 

C^esarea  Philippi,  built  by  Philip,  241. 

Caligula,  Caius,  makes  Agrippa  king, 
242;  his  statue  in  temple,  243;  as- 
sassinated, 243,  284. 

Canon  of  Old  Testament,  8,  23  (see 
Appendix  V.). 

Cassius,  in  Syria,  159;  defeats  Jews 
at  Tarichaea,  159;  governor  of 
Syria,  166 ;  his  taxation  of  Jews, 
167 ;  defeat  at  Philippi,  168. 

Census,  by  Quirinius,  248. 

Cestius  Gallus,  264;  advance  on  Jeru- 
saleiai,  264;  routed  at  Beth-horon, 
264. 

Chasidim,  see  Hasideans. 

Citadel,  at  Jerusalem,  22 ;  built  up  by 
Syrians,  22;  attacked  by  Judas,  40; 
besieged  by  Jonathan,  62;  cut  off 
by  wall,  67 ;  besieged  by  Simon,  69 ; 
fall  of,  88. 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


313 


Claudius,  Emperor,  253 ;  death  of,  256. 
Cleopatra,  protects  Jews  from  Pompey, 

120;   alliance  with  Jannaeus,   121; 

exiled  to  Syria,  161;  185. 
Coele-Syria,  Herod  made  governor  of, 

165.  ' 
Coponius,"  procurator,  249. 
Crassus,  consul  in  Syria,  159;  pillage 

of  temple  treasures,  159. 
Cumanus,  procurator,  254;  banished, 

255. 
Cuspius  Fadus,  procurator,  249. 

Daniel,  Book  of,  7,  8,  9. 

Dedication,  Feast  of,  34,  35. 

Demetrius  I.,  declared  king,  46 ;  death 
of,  60. 

Demetrius  II.,  62;  treaties  with  Jon- 
athan, 62,  63;  defeated  by  Tryphon, 
64 ;  treaty  with  Simon,  71 ;  restores 
Jewish  independence,  71 ;  expedi- 
tion in  the  East,  93 ;  capture  of,  94. 

Demetrius  Eucjerus,  governor  of 
Damascus,  123 ;  defeat  by  Jannaeus 
at  Shechem,  123. 

Dio  Cassius,  281. 

Diodatus  (Tryphon),  63;  declared 
king,  70. 

Dispersion,  284,  285,  286. 

Egypt,  temple  in,  74,  75,  76. 
Eleazar,  brother  of  Judas,  29. 
Eleazar,  the  Zealot,  262;  leader  of  the 

party,  272  ;  murdered,  273. 
Emmaus,  encampment  of  Syrians  at, 

31  ;  battle  near,  32. 
Emperor,  first  Roman,  191;  sacrifice 

for,  ceases,  262. 
Enoch,  Book  of,  date,  9  ;  visions  of, 

42. 
Essenes,  meaning  of  name,  111 ;  their 

laws  and  theology,  112  ;  origin  of 

customs  and  teachings,   113  ;  their 

influence,  114. 
Eurycles,  plot  against  Herod,  209. 
Ezra,  Fourth  Book  of,  153. 

Fadus,  procurator,  253. 

Felix,  procurator,  255. 

Festus,  procurator,  256  ;  death  of,  257. 


Florus,  Gessius,  258 ;  his  policy,  260 ; 
attacks  Jerusalem,  261;  surrenders 
to  Titus,  276. 

Gabinius,  157. 

Galba,  Emperor,  269. 

Galilee,  Simon  rescues  Jews  in,  36; 
Judaized  by  Aristobulus,  118; 
Herod  governor  of,  164;  Herod's 
campaigns  in,  175;  war  in,  267. 

Gamala,  268. 

Gamara,  147,  223. 

'*  Genesis,  Little,"  152. 

Gerizim,  destruction  of  temple  on, 
102. 

Gischala,  269. 

Gorgias,  defeat  at  Emmaus,  32  ;  vic- 
tory at  Jamnia,  36. 

Gra'co-Jewish  literature,  78,  79; 
philosophy  of,  79. 

Gratus,  procurator,  249. 

Hadrian,  280, 

Haggada,222. 

Halacha,  221,  222. 

Hasideans,  27;  46,  47;  their  ideals, 
106. 

Hasmoneans,  origin  of,  29;  69,  97, 
155,  165,  168. 

Heliopolis,  temple  built  in,  74. 

Hellenism,  in  Palestine,  15;  influence 
of,  16 ;  in  Antioch,  72 ;  in  Alexandria, 
73, 

Herod  I,  (the  Great),  164;  governor 
of  Galilee,  164;  summoned  before 
the  Sanhedrin,  165 ;  governor  of 
Coele-Syria,  165 ;  attacks  Jerusalem, 
165 ;  favors  Romans,  167;  flees 
to  Masada,  172;  in  Egypt,  173; 
aided  by  Antony  and  Octavian, 
173,  174 ;  King  of  Judea,  174 ;  at- 
tacks Jerusalem,  175;  campaigns 
in  Galilee,  175;  marries  Marianine, 
176;  his  rule  at  Jerusalem,  179- 
180;  summoned  before  Antony, 
183;  renounces  Antony,  186;  sup- 
ports Octavian,  187 ;  destroys 
Hyrcanus,  187 ;  executes  Mari- 
amne,  189;  executes  Alexandra, 
190;    under  Augustus,   192;  inno- 


314 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


vations  at  Jerusalem,  193;  his  be- 
nevolence, 195 ;  his  ambitions,  196 ; 
his  buildings,  197;  his  harbor  at 
Caisarea,  198;  his  Hellenistic  policy, 
199;  builds  temple,  200;  his  sons, 
203,  204;  meets  Agrippa,  204 ;  in 
Asia  Minor,  205;  his  sons'  plot, 
206,  207;  invades  Arabia,  208;  sub.- 
dues  rebellion  in  Trachonitis,  208 ; 
trouble  with  Augustus,  208;  kills 
his  two  sons,  208;  sends  Antipater 
to  Rome,  211;  his  ''slaughter  of 
the  innocents,"  214;  his  will,  232. 

Herod  Agrippa  I.,  see  Agrippa  I. 

Herod  Agrippa  II.,  see  Agrippa  II. 

Herod  Antipas,  son  of  Herod,  232 ; 
his  character,  236;  his  extravagance, 
237;  his  buildings,  237;  marries 
Herodias,  238 ;  defeated  b}'  Aretas,  | 
239 ;  goes  to  Rome,  239 ;  banished, 
240. 

Herod  of  Chalcis,  253. 

Herodias,  238 ;  secures  death  of  John 
the  Baptist,  238. 

Hillel,  234. 

Hyrcanus  I.  (John),  89,  97;  besieged 
at  Jerusalem,  98;  his  policy,  101; 
captures  Marissa  and  Adora,  102 ; 
subdues  Idmnea,  102;  his  coinage, 
103  ;  captures  Samaria,  103 ;  joins 
Sadducees,  115;  his  death,  116;  his 
prosperous  reign,  117;  leaves  gov- 
ernment to  his  wife,  117. 

Hj'rcanus  II.,  son  of  Jannteus,  made 
high-priest,  127 ;  becomes  king, 
131;  deposed  by  Aristobulus,  131; 
reinstated  in  priesthood,  144;  re- 
warded by  Caesar,  163;  taken 
prisoner  by  Pacorus,  171;  muti- 
lated, 172;  return  to  Jerusalem, 
182 ;  death  of,  187. 


Idumea,  subdued  by  Hyrcanus,  101. 
Idumeans,  come  to  Jerusalem,  271. 

James,  the  brother  of  Christ,  257. 
Jamnia,  centre  of  Judaism,  279. 
Jason,  high-priest,   18;    exile  of,  19; 
return,  second  exile,  and  death,  20. 


Jerusalem,  besieged  by  Lysias,  43; 
walls  restored,  67;  fall  of  citadel, 
88;  besieged  by  Sidetes,  98;  sur- 
render, 99;  besieged  and  taken  by 
Herod,  177;  attacked  by  Agrippa, 
261 ;  disturbances  in,  263  ;  civil  war 
in,  270;  three  parties  in,  272  ;  taken 
and  destroyed  by  Titus,  276. 

Jewish  independence,  71. 

Jewish  schools,  217,  221,  223. 

Jewish  writings,  value  of,  148. 

Jews,  in  Egypt,  75,  77;  in  Palestine, 
76;  given  religious  freedom  under 
Cajsar,  163;  persecutions  of  in 
Egypt,  242,  243;  rebellion  of,  260, 
262 ;  seize  Masada  and  Antonia,  262. 

Jesus,  the  Christ,  213,  229,  230. 

Jesus,  son  of  Gamaliel,  217. 

Joazar,  high-priest,  248. 

John  Hyrcanus,  see  Hyrcanus  I. 

John  of  Gischala,  266;  flees  to  Jeru- 
salem, 269;  270,  271,  272;  escapes 
from  Jerusalem,  275;  captive  at 
Rome,  269. 

John  the  Baptist,  death  of,  238. 

Jonathan,  29;  chosen  leader,  53;  ap- 
pointed high-priest,  59;  alliance 
with  Bacchides,  56;  selects  Mich- 
mash  as  capital,  57;  honored  by 
Alexander,  60;  defeats  Apollonius, 
61 ;  treaties  with  Demetrius  II.,  62, 
63;  besieges  citadel,  62;  aids  Anti- 
ochus,  64;  treaty  with  Rome  and 
Sparta,  66 ;  drives  out  Demetrius, 
66;  made  prisoner,  68;  death,  69. 

Joppa,  harbor  opened,  89  ;  198. 

Joseph,  brother  of  Herod,  at  Masada, 
172;  death  of,  176. 

Josephus,  "  Antiquities  "  of,  144,145; 
value  of  his  history,  144;  his  "Jew- 
ish War,"  145,'  216;  leader  in 
Galilee,  265,  266,  267;  his  army 
dispersed,  267;  at  Jotapata,  267; 
surrenders  to  the  Romans,  268;  his 
prophecy,  268,  270 ;  given  freedom, 
271;  messenger  to  Titus,  274,  275. 

Jotapata,  266,  267. 

Judas,  of  Galilee,  seizes  Sepphoris, 
234;  leads  the  Zealots,  249 :  killed, 
249. 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND   SUBJECTS 


315 


Judas  Maccabeus,  leader,  29;  his 
policy,  30;  victory  at  Emraaus,  32; 
at  Bethsur,  33;  restores  the  temple, 
34,  35;  campaigns  in  Idumea 
and  beyond  Jordan,  36,  38;  at 
Ephron,  37;  attempt  to  reduce 
citadel,  40  ;  defeat  at  Bethzechariah, 
42 ;  victory  at  Adasa,  49 ;  treaty 
with  Rome,  51 ;  defeat  and  death  at 
Eleasa,  52;  burial  at  Modein,  53; 
his  character,  53. 

Judah  ben  Zabbai,  127. 

Judaism,  in  Palestine,  10;  in  Alex- 
andria, 10,  230;  independence  es- 
tablished, 104;  its  humiliation,  149; 
"Golden  Age"  of,  244;  after  the 
war,  280;  last  struggle  for  inde- 
pendeuce,  281 ;  of  the  Dispersion, 
282,  283,  284. 

Judea,  independence  established,  104; 
made  tributary  to  Rome,  135;  re- 
organization under  Cajsar,  1G3; 
Augustan  age  of,  193;  under  Ro- 
man government,  24G,  247;  census 
in,  248;  after  the  war,  279. 

"  King  of  the  Jews,"  birth  of,  213. 

Leontopolis,  temple  built  in,  74. 

Lights,  Feast  of,  35. 

Logos,  Philo's  conception  of,  283. 

Lysias,  defeat  at  Bethsur,  33;  rivalry 
with  Philip,  39,  40 ;  besieges  Jeru- 
salem, 43;  compromises  with  the 
Jews,  44. 

Maccabean  leaders,  their  relations 
with  Pharisees  and  Sadducees,  114, 

Maccabean  Period,  date  of,  3;  stages 
in,  4. 

Maccabees,  the  meaning  of  name,  29. 

Maccabees  L,  book,  period  covered 
by,  and  date,  4 ;  compared  with  Mac- 
cabees II.,  5. 

Maccabees  II.,  book,  period  covered 
bj',  5 ;  general  character  and  date,  5. 

Machaerus,  175,  238. 

Malichus,  167, 168. 

Mariamne,  marries  Herod  I.,  176 ;  184, 
188;  death  of,  189. 


Masada,  172, 175. 

Mattathias,  begins  war,  3 ;  at  Modein, 

24;  his  defiance,  25;  as  leader,  26; 

death  of,  28. 
Menahem,  263. 
Menelaus,  19. 

Messiah,  prophecies  of,  211,  228,  229. 
Messianic  hope,  influence  of,  228;  lit- 
erary form  of,  152,  228,   229,  230; 

Pharisees'  conception  of,  108;  of  the 

Zealots,  249. 
Michmash,  chosen  as  capital,  57. 
Mishna,  147,  222,  223. 
Mithridates,  132,  162. 
Mizpah,  assembly  at,  31. 
Modein,    24;    Mattathias,    buried    at, 

28;  Judas  buried  at,  53;  Maccabean 

monument  at,  69. 

Neapolitanus,  261. 

Nero,   Emperor,  256,  265 ;   death  of, 

269. 
Nerva,  286. 
New  Testament,  145,   146;    taxation 

noted  in,  249. 
Nicanor,  48;   love  for  Judas,  48,  49; 

defeat    and    death    at    Adasa,   49; 

"  Nicanor's  day,"  49. 
Nicholas  of  Damascus,  199,  208,  235. 

Obedas  II.,  death  of,  208. 

Onias  III.,  fate  of,  19. 

Onias    IV.,    of    Alexandria,   73,   74; 

builds  temple  in  Heliopolis,  74;  his 

temple  closed,  279. 
Orodes,  invades  Syria,  170. 

Palestine,  under  Herod  I.,  203;  after 
the  war,  280. 

Parthia,  170. 

Parthians,  in  Palestine,  169;  174;  at- 
tack Syria,  175. 

Phannias,  high-priest,  270. 

Pharisees,  first  appear,  106;  their 
spirit,  doctrines,  and  influence,  107; 
their  conception  of  future  life,  108; 
of  the  Messianic  state,  108 ;  struggle 
with  Sadducees,  111 ;  supported  by 
Alexandra,  122;    stir  up   rebellion 


316 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND   SUBJECTS 


against  Jannaeus,  123 ;  restore  cere- 
monial observance,  128;  revenge 
upon  Sadducees,  129 ;  "  Golden 
age"  of  Phariseeism,  130;  retire 
from  national  councils,  131;  end  of 
first  stage  of  conflict  with  Saddu- 
cees, 133;  refuse  allegiance  to 
Herod,  181 ;  promise  Judean  throne 
to  Pheroras,  210;  in  the  Sanhedrih, 
250 ;  after  the  war,  278. 

Phasaiil,  16G;  subdues  insurrection, 
168;  tetrarch  of  Judea,  169;  taken 
prisoner  by  Pacorus,  171 ;  death  of, 
173. 

Pheroras,  207,  210;  death  of,  211. 

Philip,  appointed  regent,  39. 

Philip,  son  of  Herod,  232;  his  reign, 
240;  coinage,  240;  builds  Csesarea 
Philippi,  241;  death  of,  241. 

Philo  JudiBus,  80;  his  teachings,  82; 
his  hope,  230;  282;  his  influence, 
283 ;  sent  to  Rome,  284. 

Pompey,  132;  his  generals  in  Syria, 
132;  besieges  Jerusalem,  133;  takes 
temple  mount,  135;  sacrilege  of 
Holy  of  Holies,  135;  humanity  to 
Jews,  154;  value  of  his  conquests, 
155 ;  policy  in  Palestine,  155 ;  defeat 
at  Pharsalia,  161. 

Pontius  Pilate,  procurator,  251;  of- 
fends Jews,  251 ;  dismissed,  252. 

Porcius  Festus,  procurator,  256 ;  death 
of,  257. 

Procurators,  residence  in  Palestine, 
247 ;  system  of  duties  of,  247 ;  checks 
upon  authority  of,  247. 

Provinces,  Roman,  arrangement  of 
by  Augustus,  246;  governors  for, 
247;  Judea's  rank  among,  247. 

Psalms,  Maccabean,  see  Appendix  V. 

Psalms  of  Solomon,  136;  their  phari- 
saic  origin,  136;  their  theology,  137; 
their  doctrine  of  a  future  state,  139, 
156,  157;  Messianic  prophecies  in, 
229. 

Ptolmeus,  199. 

Ptolemy  Lathurus,  120;  treaty  with 
Jannaeus,  120;  victory  at  Asphon, 
120;  retires  to  Cyprus'  121. 

Ptolemy  Philometor,  61. 


Ptolemy,  son-in-law  of  Simon,  be- 
trays Simon,  95 ;  disappears,  98. 

QuiRiNius,  legate  of  Syria,  248;  takes 
census  in  Judea,  248. 

Rabbi  Akiba,  281. 

Rabbinism,  220,  221,  278. 

Rabbinical  literature,  146,  147. 

Rome,  watchfulness  of  Syria,  50  ;  in- 
fluence in  Judea,  99 ;  civil  wars  in, 
160 ;  under  Augustus,  191. 

Sabinus,  procurator,  233 ;  robs  treas- 
ury, 234. 

Sadducees,  their  philosophy  and  faith, 
109;  their  doctrine  of  free  will,  110; 
struggle  with  Pharisees,  111;  per- 
secution by  Pharisees,  129;  appeal 
to  Alexander,  129 ;  end  of  strife  with 
Pharisees,  133;  as  priests,  227;  in 
Sanhedrin,  181,  250. 

Salome,  184;  plot  against  Herod,  189; 
207,  208,  209,  210,  232. 

Samaria,  252,  255. 

Sameas,  165, 166, 

Sanhedrin,  165;  loses  power,  166;  re- 
vival of  power,  250;  after  the  war, 
279. 

Scaurns,  aids  Aristobulus,  132,  133. 

Scribes,  their  work  and  influence,  221 ; 
place  and  power,  223,  224;  their 
different  types,  224;  effect  of  their 
teaching,  225 ;  in  the  Sanhedrin,  250, 
251. 

Septuagint,  77. 

Seron,  battle  with,  30. 

Shechem,  123. 

Shemaia,  165, 177;  favors  Herod,  181. 

Sibylline  Oracles,  number  and  use  of, 
12 ;  date  of,  12 ;  character  of,  12, 
85,  86. 

Sicarii,  255,  257,  263. 

Silo,  175. 

Simon,  chosen  chief,  29,  campaign 
in  Galilee,  36 ;  made  military 
commander,  64;  made  leader,  68; 
supports  Demetrius  II,  71;  his 
leadership,  87;  takes  Gazara,  87; 
takes  Bethsur,  88 ;  takes  citadel  at 


INDEX  OF  NAMES  AND  SUBJECTS 


317 


Jerusalem,  88 ;  benefits  of  his  reign, 
89,  90 ;  chosen  governor,  chief,  and 
high-priest,  91;  embassy  to  Rome. 
91;  his  coinage,  92,  93;  compact 
with  Antiochus,  9-4;  defeats  Sidetes, 
95;  death  of,  95. 

Sparta,  treaty  with,  66. 

Syllaeus,  plots  against  Herod,  208. 

Synagogue,  218;  origin,  purpose,  and 
influence,  219,  220;  its  services, 
225 ;  after  the  war,  282. 

Talmuds,  147. 

Targums,  148. 

Tarichaja,  159,  268. 

Taxes,  under  Cassius,  167;  under 
Augustus,  248. 

Temple,  desecration  of,  22;  cleansed 
and  re-dedicated  by  Judas,  34;  pil- 
laged by  Crassus,  159 ;  rebuilt  by 
Herod,  201;  destroyed  by  Titus, 
275. 

Testaments  of  Twelve  Patriarchs,  153. 

Tetrarch,  see  Herod  Antipas,  and 
Philip. 

Theudas,  the  Pretender,  256. 

Tiberias,  surrenders  to  Vespasian,  268. 


Tiberius  Alexander,  procurator,  254. 

Tiberius,  supports  Herod  Antipas,  236 ; 
death  of,  239 ;  284. 

Tigranes,  130. 

Titus,  268;  takes  Tarichsea,  268;  be- 
sieges Jerusalem,  273;  destroys 
Temple,  275 ;  triumph  at  Rome,  276, 

Trachonitis,  208. 

Trajan,  286. 

Tryplion,  driven  out  by  Antiochus 
Sidetes,  94. 

Varus,  234. 

Vespasian,  265 ;  invades  Galilee,  267; 
takes  Tiberias,  268;  surrender  of 
Josephus  to,  268 ;  goes  to  Italj',  269 ; 
made  emperor,  272. 

Vitellius,  239 ;  seeks  to  avenge  Anti- 
pas, 239. 

Wisdom  of  Soi  omon,  date  and  char- 
acter of,  11,  82,  83,  84. 

Zadok,  the  house  of,  109. 

Zealots,  248,  255,  257,  263,  266,  270, 

271,  272. 
Zeus,  altar  to,  22. 


INDEX    OF    REFERENCES 


TO 


BIBLICAL   AND   EXTRA-BIBLICAL    SOURCES 


Annals.          Page 
i.  2  192 

ANTIQtriTIES  OF  JOSSPHUS. 

Book. 

xii.  5,  1 19 

xii.  5,  4 22 

xii.  9,  7 22 

xii.  5,  4 23 

xii.  6,2 24 

xii.  6,  1 25 

xii.  7,  1 30 

xii.  7,  6 34 

xii.  8,  3 37 

xii.  8,  G 38 

xii.  9,  1 39 

xii.  9,  3 40 

xii.  9,3 41 

xii.  9,7 44,    45 

xii.  11,2  46 

xii.  10,  2 47 

xii.  10,3  47 

xiii.  1,2 54 

xiii.  6,  7 71 

xiii.  3,  4 75 

xiii.  3,  1 76 

xiii.  6,  7 88 

xiii.  8,  2,  3  99 

xiii.  9,  2 99 

xiii.  8,4 101 

xiii.  9,  3 101 

xiii.  10,  1  101 

xiii.  9,  1 102 

xiii.  10,  2,  3 103 

xiii.  5,  9 106 

xiii.  5,  9 110 

xiii.  5,  9 107 

xiii.  10,5,6 114 

xiii.  10,7  116 

xiii.  11,  3 118 

xiii.  12,  2,  6 .'....  120 

xiii.  13,  2,  3 121 

xiii.  13,  5  123 

xiii.  14,  2  124 

xiii.  15,5  125-127 

xiii.  16,2,3 129 

xiii.  16,4  .o 130 

xiv.  2-1,  2 132 


Page 

V.  2-3 133 

.  3,2 133 

V.3,  3,  4 134 

V.  5,2,4  157 

V.  5,  4 158 

V.  6,  2,  3  158 

V.  8,1,2  162 

V.  8,3 163 

V.  10,22 100 

V.  10,2  163 

v.  10,  1,  8,  20,  24 163 

v.  11,2  167 

13,7,9  172 

v.  14,4  174 

v.  1-5  174 

v.  10,6,13,14,18 284 

V.  15,4,5 175 

V.  15,7,9,11,12  176 

V.  16,  2 177 

XV.  1,1 177 

XV.  2,  1,5 182 

XV.  3,  2,  4 183 

XV.  3,  8,9  184 

XV.  5,  1,5  186 

XV.  6-7  186 

XV.  7,  2,  6  189 

XV.  7,  9,  10  190 

XV.7,  1,  4  194 

XV.  8,  4 194 

XV.  8,5 194 

XV.  10,  4  195 

XV.  9,  1,2,4 196 

XV.  9,  6 199 

XV.  11,2,6  201 

XV.  11,3,5,7  201 

XV.  15,  1  174 

xvi.  1-2  ...204 

xvi.  2,2,5  205 

xvi.  3,  1,3  206 

xvi.  4,  1,  4  206 

xvi.  5,  1,3  197 

xvi.  7,2 207 

xvi.  7,  8  207 

xvi.  8,  2 209 

xvi.  10,  1  209 

xvi.  11,  1,7  210 

xvii.  1,  1  210 

xvii.  2,  4  211 


Page 

xvii.  3,  1,2 211 

xvii.  4,1,3 211 

xvii.  5,  1,  8 212 

xvii.  5,  7,  1  212 

xvii.  G,  1,4 213 

xvii.  7,  1,  2  240 

xvii.  9,  1,3  233 

xvii.  10,  1,  2,4,  10  234 

xvii.  11,  1,5  235 

xvii.  13,  1,5  236 

xvii.  11,2 246 

xviii.  2-3 237 

xviii.  3,  5  284 

xviii.  5,  2    238 

xviii.  G,  10 239 

xviii.  4,  6,  10  241 

xviii.  6,  1,  10  242 

xviii.  7,  2  242 

xviii.  8,  2  243 

xviii.  8,  7,  8 243 

xviii.  1,  1  248 

xviii.  1,  1,6 249 

xviii.  1,  1  249 

xviii.  1,  4 250 

x^^ii.  1,  6    251 

xviii.  3,  1  251 

xviii.  3,  2  252 

XX.  1,1,3  253 

XX.  4,  1,5  244 

XX.  5,1 244 

XX.  5,  3 254 

XX,  5,  4 255 

XX.  5,  8 256 

XX.  G,  1,3  255 

XX.  7,1 255 

XX.  8,  6 256 

XX.  9,  4 258 

XX.  9,  6-7 258 

XX.  9,  2 228 

Book  of  Enoch. 

xxxiii.,  xxxiv 42 

Ixxxiii.,  xc. 42 

Ixxxv.,  xc , 42 

xc.  15,39  42 

xci.  13..... 200 

Ixxxiii.,  xc 228 


INDEX  OF  REFERENCES 


319 


Page 
Book  of  "Wisdom. 

i.  1,12  82 

17.  83 

iii.  7,8  230 

iii.  652,  794 230 

vl.  12 82 

vli.  25,  27 82 

vii.  2G ■ 83 

vii.  24 83 

vii.  22 83 

viii.  20 84 

ix.  18 24 

ix.  1,2 83 

i-..  15 84 

ix.  18 82 

xi.5  82 

xi.  17 83 

xi.  24-26  84 

xii.  1  83 

CONTKA  ApIOK. 

i.  12   210 

De  Execeat, 
sect.  89 230 

De  Prem.  et  Proem. 
sect.  15,  20 230 

Dio  Cassius. 

xlviii.  4 219 

Ixix.  14 281 

Jewish  "War. 
Book. 

1.3,5  112 

1.36  112 

1.5,2  127 

1.  8,25 157 

1.21,  11  197 

1.31,5  212 

1.1,19  19 

li.  8,  14  110 

11.8,5 112 

li.73 112 

11.21,6-9 237 

li.  8,  1   248 

ii.  2 255 

li.  13,  6 255 

11.13,6 256 

11.4,1  257 

li.  14,2 259 

li.  8,  14 107,108 

11.17,2 260 

li.  15,2 200 

11.16,4 200 

li.  14,  4-5 201 

li.  14,  6,  9 261 

li.  17,  1,4 262 

ii.  17,4-6 263 

11.17,  7,  10  263 

ii.  18,1,8 264 

ii.  18,10-11 264 

ii.  20,  3-4 264 

11.20,  6 266 

11.21,  1-2  266 


ii.  21,  3,  G  .. 

ii.  21,7 

iii.  6,  2,  3  ... 

iii.  7,  8   

iii.  9,  7-8  .... 
iii.  10,  1,  10 

iv.  1,17  

Iv.  1,8 

iv.  2,  2,  5  ... 
iv.  9,2  


Page 

,..  266 
,..  267 
..267 
...  268 
,..  208 


209 

209 

209 

270 

iv.  10,  3,  7 270 

iv.  3,  1,12 270 

iv.  4,  5,  1    271 

iv.  5,  5-0 271 

iv.  6,1,3  272 

V.  1,  6 201 

V.  4    88 

V.  1,2,5  273 

V.  3,  1    273 

V.  7,  2,  3  274 

V.  8,  1,12 274 

V.  9,  1,14 274 

V.  12,  1-2  274 

vi.2,4 251 

vi.  1,  7,  8  275 

vi.  1,  1-2 275 

vi.  2,  1  275 

vi.  3,  1-2 275 

vi.  4,  1,7  275 

vi.  8,  1,5  276 

vii.  10,  3  74 

vii.  8,  9 276 


JOSEPHUS. 


199 


iv.  37,  40 
iv.  42,  46 
V.  47,  59  , 
V.  1,7.... 

V.  9 

V.  9,54... 


Page 

..  34 

..  34 

...  35 

...  36 

..  37 

...  37 


Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara. 
i 282,283 

Kent. 
vol.  iii.  sect.  238   225 

I.  Maccabees. 
Book. 

1.  13-14 15 

i.  15  10 

1.24  20 

1.  14  21 

1.41,50  21 

1.  31,32,39  22 

1.51  22 

1.  02,04  23 

1.  60,  61  23 

ii.  34    .: 17 

11.1,  14 25 

ii.  19,22  25 

11.24,  26 26 

ii.  27,  30 26 

ii.  30,  41 26 

11.70 28 

iii.  10,12 30 

iu.  18,22  30 

111.23-24  30 

iii.  31,33 31 

iv.  8,  11  32 

iv.  28,  35 32 

iv.  36-37  34 


V.  62,  63 38 

V.  68 38 

vi.  1,15 39 

vi.  17 39 

vl.  18 40 

vl.  28,  31  41 

vl.  32,  41  41 

vi.  56 43 

vii.  1-2 46 

vii.  8,  18  47 

vii.  19-20  47 

vii.  21,25 48 

vii.  26 48 

vii.  27,  35 49 

viii.  17-18 51 

viii.  31-32 52 

ix.6  52 

ix.  17-18  52 

ix.  19-20  53 

ix.  25-26  53 

ix.  28,  31  53 

ix.   33,49 54 

ix.  58,  72 57 

ix.  73 57 

X.  3,  13 59 

X.  15,21 59 

X.  22,  50 60 

xi.  1,  19 62 

xi.  22,  28 62 

xi.  34 63 

xi.  38,  40 63 

xi.  53 64 

xi.  41,  53 64 

xi.  54 64 

xi.  55,  62 65 

xi.  70 65 

xl.  63,74 65 

xii.  9 65 

xii.  21. 66 

xii.  24,  34 66 

xii.  35,  37 67 

xii.  39,  53 68 

xiii.  1,  9 68 

xiii.  10-11  69 

xiii.  12,30 69 

xiii.  30,  40 71 

xiii.  43,48 88 

XV.  37 88 

XV.  4,  15 90 

XV.  25,49 91 

XV.  24 92 

XV.  15,24 92 

XV.6 93 

II.    Maccabees. 
Book. 

1.  10  80 

ii.  24,  232 5 

ii.  19,32 6 

iv.  7-15 15 


320 


INDEX  TO  REFERENCES 


iv.  9 

^T. 

iv.  7,  10  . 

18 

iv.  25 

iv.  42,47  

19 

19 

V.  6 

20 

v.  25-26.. 

21 

vi.  2,  4 

22 

vi.  10 

23 

vi.  18,31  

24 

X.  1,8 

xi.  1,  12 

xii.  32,  37  ... 

xii.  35 

xiv.  1 

XV.  12,16  ... 


MiSHNA   SOTA. 


vii.  8 


PhILO,   De  MONARCmA. 

ii.  1 282 


Page 


Plutarch,  "Antonius. 
186 

POLTB. 

xxxi.  2 39 

xxxiii.  16 58 

xxxiii.  14,  sect.  1  58 

Psalms  os-  Solomon. 
....  132,  136,  137,  130,  156, 


Sayings  of  the  Fathers. 
ii.  8 223 


SCHURER. 


130 


Son  of  Sirach. 
xixviii.  24    22 


Strabo.          Page 
xvi.  2,  12 G6 

Suetonius,  "  Octavianus. "' 
xiv,  XV 173 

Suet.,  Vesp. 
v.,  vi 270 

Talmud  Jer.  Kethuboth. 
viii.  11  128 

Tag.  An. 

xii.  66,  67 256 

ii.  42,  43 251 

Tag.  Hist. 

V.  9  255 

ii.  1,4  270 

v.  12 273 

Weber,  Judische  Theolooie. 
125 


INDEX   TO  REFERENCES 


Page 
Deuteronomy. 

vi.  4,9 219 

xiii.  13,2  219 

Isaiah. 
xiv.  19 74 

Daniel. 
xii.  2 108 


Haggai. 
ii.  3,9  200 

Matthew. 

ii.  4,  6  214 

iv.  10 249 

xiv.  53 250 

xxi.  31  249 

xxiii.  6,  7 224 

Mark. 
vi.  17,29 238 


Page 
Luke. 

xiii.  1  230 

xxiii.  6,  11 239 

Acts. 

V.  37 ; 249 

xii.  3  244 

xxiv.  24  256 

Hebrews. 
i.3 S3 


A  HISTORY 


OF 


THE  HEBREW  PEOPLE. 


By  CHARLES  FOSTER  KENT,  Ph,a 

Professor  of  Biblical  Literature  and  History 
in  Brown  University. 


Vol.  I.  THE  UNITED  KINGDOM.    From  the  Settlement  in 
Canaan  to  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom.    $1.25  net. 
Vol.  II.  THE  DIVIDED   KINGDOM.     $1.25  net. 

PERSONAL   AND   PRESS   NOTICES. 

Warren  H.  Langdon,  Professor  of  Practical  Theology^ 
San  Francisco  Theological  Seminary.  —  "  This  is  a  learned 
and  ably  written  work.  To  those  who  adopt  the  conclusions  of 
the  Higher  Criticism  it  will  be  a  very  acceptable  history  of  the 
Hebrew  People  from  their  settlement  in  Canaan  to  the  close  of 
the  united  kingdom.  It  is  written  in  an  interesting,  vigorous, 
and  lucid  style,  easily  grasped  by  the  ordinary  student." 

George  S.  Goodspeed,  Professor  of  Semitics,  Univer- 
sity of  Chicago.  —  "I  believe  that  the  book,  on  account  of 
the  excellence  of  its  contents  and  the  vividness  and  simplicity 
of  its  style,  is  by  far  the  best  history  of  the  Hebrew  People  in 
English  for  Colleges  and  Bible  teachers.  I  am  persuaded  that 
it  will  do  a  real  service  in  broadening  the  mind  and  clarifying 
the  knowledge  of  all  into  whose  hands  it  may  fall." 

Irving  F.  Wood,  Professor  of  Biblical  Literature,  Smith 
College.  —  "  The  book,  with  its  brief  chapters  and  popular  style, 
is  exactly  what  is  needed  now.  The  criticism,  called  new, 
though  it  is  a  generation  old  to  the  scholars,  has  made  the  Bible 
so  much  richer,  and  more  valuable,  that  it  needs  to  be  reopened 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE   HEBREW   PEOPLE 

to  the  people.  This  reopening,  such  books  as  this  of  Professor 
Kent  will  do.  It  is  very  cautious  in  the  statement  of  contro- 
verted points,  but  at  the  same  time  very  clear  where  the  results 
of  scholarship  are  positive.  Its  study  of  the  sources  of  Hebrew 
History  and  of  the  period  of  the  Judges  seems  to  me  to  be  very 
valuable." 

The  Outlook.  —  "It  is  conceived  and  executed  in  the 
spirit  of  modern  criticism :  treats  the  history  and  literature  of 
Israel  as  history  and  literature,  but  is  wholly  reverent  in  its  tone 
and  constructive  in  its  purpose ;  an  excellent  text-book  for  the 
study  of  Old  Testament  history." 

The  Christian  Advocate.  —  "The  whole  volume  pre- 
sents a  rare  combination  of  graphic  dehneation  and  careful 
accuracy  in  regard  to  historic  fact.  Used  in  connection  with 
the  Bible  only,  it  must  prove  most  valuable  to  the  ordinary 
reader,  while  if  studied  with  a  use  of  the  authorities  named  in 
the  appendix,  it  will  be  a  firm  and  solid  stepping-stone  into  a 
vast  and  important  region  of  knowledge  not  yet  fully  explored 
or  bounded," 

The  Congregationalist.  —  "  It  purposely  avoids  argu- 
ment, and  gives  a  clear  picture  of  the  development  of  the 
Hebrew  Nation  in  accordance  with  the  views  of  the  modern 
critics.  Tlie  author  closely  follows  their  results,  and  any  criti- 
cism of  the  book  would  necessarily  involve  that  of  the  whole 
school.  The  great  body  of  modern  scholars  now  hold  this 
position,  and  instruction  therein  is  provided  for  in  many  of  our 
colleges.  This  book  is  especially  fitted  for  a  reference  and 
text-book  for  such  classes." 

Methodist  Review.  — "  We  have  seldom  read  a  small 
book  which  has  so  much  of  clearly  stated,  well-wrought, 
and  inspiring  matter  packed  into  ,  its  pages.  Whether  an 
instructor  should  accept  or  reject  its  methods  and  conclusions, 
we  doubt  if  a  better  book  could  be  found  for  the  instruction  of 
college  classes. 


C{)e  :^e00ase0  of  tl)e  3Btble 

EDITED  BY 
Professor  FRANK  K.  SANDERS,  of  Yale  University, 

AND 

Professor  CHARLES  F.  KENT,  of  Brow7i  University. 

ANEW  SERIES,  in  which  emphasis  is  placed  upon  the  concise, 
forcible,  and  realistic  interpretation  of  the  Bible.  The  books  of  the 
Bible  are  grouped  according  to  a  natural  classification,  their  contents 
arranged  in  the  order  of  appearance,  and  a  scholarly  yet  popular  para- 
phrase of  their  distinctive  thought  given  in  plain  and  expressive  English. 
The  purpose  of  this  series  is  to  enable  any  reader  of  the  Bible  to  under- 
stand its  meaning  as  a  reverent  scholar  of  to-day  does,  and  in  particular 
to  receive  the  exact  impression  which  the  words  as  originally  heard  or 
read  must  have  made  upon  those  for  whom  they  were  delivered. 

This  series  is  not  a  substitute  for  the  Bible,  but  an  aid  to  the  rev- 
erent, appreciative,  and  enthusiastic  reading  of  the  Scriptures ;  in  fact, 
it  will  serve  the  purpose  of  an 

ORIGINAL  AND   POPULAR  COMMENTARY. 

Technicalities  and  unsettled  questions  will  be,  as  far  as  possible, 
ignored.  Each  volume  will  be  prepared  by  a  leading  specialist,  and  will 
contain  such  brief  introductions  as  serve  to  put  the  reader  into  intelli- 
gent relation  to  the  general  theme  treated.  The  editorial  rearrangement 
of  the  order  of  the  biblical  books  or  sections  will  represent  the  definite 
results  of  sober  scholarship. 

Slrrang:ement  of  ^olamcg. 

I.  The  Messages  of  the  Earlier  Prophets.     {Now  ready.) 

II.  The  Messages  of  the  Later  Prophets.     {No7v  ready.) 

III.  The  Messages  of  the  Lav^r    Givers. 

IV.  The  Messages  of  the  Prophetical  and  Priestly  Historians, 
V.  The  Messages  of  the  Psalmists. 

VI.  The  Messages  of  the  Sages. 

VII.  The  Messages  of  the  Dramatic  Poets. 

VIII.  The  Messages  of  the  Apocalyptic  Writers. 

IX.  The  Messages  of  Jesus   according  to  the  Synoptists. 

X.  The  Messages  of  Jesus  according  to  John. 

XI.  The  Messages  of  Paul.     {No7v  ready.) 

XII.  The  Messages  of  the  Apostles. 


Specimen  Pages  and  Full  Descriptive  Circular  sent  free  on  request. 

CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS, 

153-157  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York. 


THE   MESSAGES    OF   THE    BIBLE 


persfoual  anu  pre00  ^otitt&  of  tBolume  i* 

Irving  F.  Wood,  Professor  of  Biblical  Literahire,  Smith  College. 

It  is,  I  think,  the  most  valuable  popularization  of  the  prophetic 
books  that  has  ever  been  made  in  any  language. 

The  Independent. 

This  is  a  really  delightful  version  of  the  older  prophetic  messages. 
The  student  will  recover  from  this  version  many  a  lost  gem,  many  a  fine 
thought,  and  many  a  point  more  or  less  obscure  in  the  common  versions. 

Western  Christian  Advocate. 
In  all  its  aspects  it  is  an  ideal  introduction,  not  only  to  ancient  books, 
but  also  to  the  science  of  an  effective,  reformative,  and  alert  ministry  in 
the  modern  age. 

Auburn  Seminary  Reviev^r, 
To  the  minister  who  is  not  an  expert  Hebrew  scliolar  the  book  will 
be  almost  indispensable,  as  it  will  supply  something  which  he  can  hardly 
obtain  even  from  a  commentary ;  while  for  the  ordinary  reader  it  will  open 
a  part  of  the  Old  Testament  of  which  he  has  known  little  before. 

A.  F.  Schauffler,  D.  D. 

The  prophets  have  been  dull  reading  to  many,  only  because  they  did 
not  understand  them  and  their  message.  This  book  will  help  in  just  the 
line  where  help  is  needed. 

The  Outlook. 

The  requirements  of  historical  interest  are  here  m.et  by  a  rearrange- 
ment of  the  prophetical  writings  in  due  chronological  order,  and  the 
needs  of  the  ordinary  reader  are  supplied  by  paraphrasing  them  in  mod- 
ern language.  This  is  so  necessary  in  Old  Testament  prophecy  that  few 
except  Hebrew  scholars  can  dispense  with  the  help  of  paraphrase  to 
intelligent  reading.  We  therefore  deem  the  work  of  Professors  Sanders 
and  Kent  one  of  the  most  important  among  those  recently  undertaken 
for  the  popularizing  of  biblical  study. 

Bishop  John  H.  Vincent,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

I  regard  it  as  a  book  of  great  value.  Its  power  is  in  its  simplicity, 
vividness,  interpretative  paraphrase,  marginal  outline ;  and  there  is  a  cer- 
tain tone  of  authority,  a  certain  weirdness  in  the  style,  which  makes  one 
feel  as  if  he  heard  the  prophet  crying  out  in  his  protest  and  appeal. 
Soinehow  the  eloquence  of  the  prophet  burns  in  its'  pages.  The  book  is 
one  which  an  unschooled  layman  may  read  with  profit.  What  a  lecture 
class  or  senior  class  might  be  organized  for  the  critical  study  of  the 
prophecies,  with  the  aid  of  this  volume ! 


Date  Due 


